A VERY RARE CHINESE RELATED CUBAN DOCUMENT FROM THE 1860'S , DURING TIMES OF COLONIAL SPAIN, IN FAIR SHAPE WITH INK BLEEDING (AND PREVIOUS DOCUMENT INK) OF A CHINESE IMMIGRANT TO CUBA DEATH CERTIFICATE MEASURING APPROXIMATELY 6 1/8 X 7 3/8 WHO WAS AT THE:
Havana at the Real Hospital de Caridad de San Felipe y Santiago Comisaria
CHINESE COOLIE LABOR IN CUBA
IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
FREE LABOR OR NEOSLAVERY?
almost all male, were sent to Cuba. This is no small number, considering the time
span of just 27 years. Eighty percent or more were destined for the sugar
plantations. The Chinese were imported while African slavery was still in effect though
undergoing “gradual abolition,” and worked alongside this traditional form of plantation
labor. (During this same period, Peru also imported Chinese coolies — about 95,000 —
for its sugar plantations. In the case of Peru, however, slavery was being abolished just
when coolies were being introduced, essentially supplanting slave labor on the revived
coastal plantations, although initially they did work with or under free blacks.)
Was coolie labor another form of slavery, or was it a transition to free labor?
This paper will examine Ja trata amarilla [the yellow trade] from its inception to its
dissolution in light of these apparently opposing propositions of free labor or neoslavery.
} YRom 1847 ro 1874, as many as 125,000 Chinese indentured or contract laborers,
THE INTERNATIONAL COOLIE TRADE
The British were the first to experiment with the exporting of first Chinese, then
East Indian, laborers under contract to their overseas colonies. As early as 1806, at
precisely the time when the British ended the slave trade, 200 Chinese were sent to
Trinidad. Although this experiment was a failure, British entrepreneurs continued to
press for the export of Asian labor, turning from China to India by the 1830s. By 1838,
some 25,000 East Indians had been exported to the new British East African colony of
Mauritius and successfully adapted to the plantation system there. In 1845, the first cargo
of East Indians was shipped to British Guiana, Trinidad and Jamaica in the West Indies.
They were under contract to the plantations for five years, a period known euphemisti-
cally as “industrial residency,” after which they could presumably ask for passage home,
or remain in the colonies as free men. During the same time, the French also acquired
Indians under indenture to their colonies in East Africa and the Caribbean.
Thus was initiated a forced international labor migration of immense propor-
tions, the official, recorded count totaling over half a million between 1842 and 1870,
Chinese Coolie Labor in Cuba 39
to Mauritius, Demerara (British Guiana), Trinidad, Jamaica, Natal, Reunion and other
small French colonies.” The British, who condemned slavery and pressured the French,
Spanish and Portuguese to follow their lead in ending the African slave trade, also led
the way to develop, sanction and profit from this new system of forced labor. The Spanish
and Cubans, and the Peruvians, quickly followed their example, faced as they were with
the same dilemma of the end of slavery when the plantation economy continued to
flourish.
This became the infamous coolie trade, referring specifically to Chinese and
East Indians bound under contract to provide service for a specified period of time —
five years under the British system, eight in Cuba and Peru. The contract was a legal
document between a free person and an employer, and spells out the precise obligations
of both parties. The coolie was to be paid during the period of contract, usually a
combination of wages and in kind (food, clothing, lodging and medical attention). After
completing the term of indenture, the coolies were to regain their total freedom.
However, there was an immense gap from the very beginning between theory and
practice, which was probably unavoidable given the context in which the system
developed.
British historian Hugh Tinker describes coolie labor as “the lowest layer of the
industrial labor force,” whose creation was directly linked “to the emergence of
Western ... economic exploitation of the raw materials of the tropics.” The coolie
system enabled the plantation industry “to draw upon a pool of cheap labour with the
minimum of restrictions and the maximum of leverage against the workers.” It emerged
in direct response to the end of the African slave trade and of slavery as the preferred
system of labor on plantations, and at a time when plantations were becoming more
mechanized and industrialized, so that one could speak of the plantation as “industrial
agriculture,” or “factory in the field.”?
THE COOLIE TRADE TO CUBA
Between 1763, the year the British captured and occupied Havana for 10
months and opened up this Spanish colony to international trade and the emerging North
American market, and 1838, when the Cuban industry mechanized significantly, Cuban
society was transformed from “the relatively mixed economy based on cattle-ranching,
tobacco-growing, and the small-scale production of sugar” to the “dominance of
plantation agriculture based on the large-scale production of sugar and coffee.’ It had
surpassed her British West Indian neighbors to become the preeminent sugar producer
in the world. Along with new markets, improved technology, capital availability, a
responsive political climate, a modern, entrepreneurial spirit among the planters, and
other factors, African slave labor was crucial to the success of the plantation economy.
The slave population had grown from 38,879 (22.8% of the total population) in 1774,
to 436,495 (43.3% of total population) by 1841. Despite British efforts already underway
to end the international slave trade, Cuba continued to import large numbers of Africans
during the early nineteenth century, reaching as high as 25,841 in 1817.5
The transformation of Cuban society was not just an economic phenomenon;
it was social as well, for the population became not only increasingly slave and colored,
but the planter class — often hacendados [landowners], esclavistas [slave owners] and
negreros (slave traders] all in one (e.g. Zulueta and Aldama) — reigned supreme, with
their interests driving most policy-making, and their authority, particularly on their
estates, largely unquestioned.
Planter interest was represented by the powerful Real Junta de Fomento y de
Colonizacién, presided by the eminent landowner and international businessman Julian
Zulueta. An agency of the Fomento was the Comisién de Poblacién Blanca, charged at
first with promoting the immigration of free European workers to Cuba, as these
farsighted planters were already preparing for the imminent end of Africa as their source
of labor and the need to adjust to free white labor. But free men and women in Europe
were not attracted to a plantation society with slave labor. So, in 1844, when the British
coolie trade was in full swing, the Junta sent an agent to China to study the possibility
of importing Chinese coolies. The Spanish Government was also familiar with Chinese
agricultural labor in their Phillippines colony. An agreement was sealed sometime in
1846 between Zulueta and Company in London and the British in Amoy, a treaty port
in Fukien Province, South China. On June 3, 1847, the Spanish ship Oquendo docked
in Havana with 206 Chinese on board, after 131 days at sea. Six died at sea and another
7 shortly after arrival. Nine days later, another British ship, the Duke of Argyle arrived
with 365 on board, after 123 days at sea.® Thirty five had died at sea. Both human cargoes
were consigned to the Junta de momento, which proceeded to distribute the coolies in
lots of 10 to a group which included the island’ s most prominent planters and one railroad
company.
Initial response to the Chinese as workers in Cuba was not enthusiastic. Cuba
suspended the trade after the first contract with Zulueta, and spent the next few years
promoting other forms of immigrant labor, including Yucatecos (Mayan Indians) from
Mexico, Gallegos, Catalans and Canary Islanders from Europe. While some came from
all these places, they failed to meet the ever growing labor demand. The trade was
officially resumed in 1853. By then, in response to harsh international criticism of an
already infamous human experiment, the British prohibited their subjects from partici-
pating in the particularly notorious passage to Cuba and Peru, forcing the trade to the
Portuguese colony of Macao off the China coast, where
Portuguese colonial authorities for the right price fully cooperated with the European
coolie traders until 1874, when even Portugal succumbed to international pressures to
end it. By then, over 200,000 Chinese had been sent from Macao, although, of course,
the actual origins of the Chinese remained in South China, in Canton and Fukien
provinces. The following table summarizes the figures for the duration of the trade to
Cuba and Peru, correlated with slave importation and sugar production.
Aclear correlation can be observed in these figures. As the African slave trade
wound down and ended with the last shipments in 1865 and 1866 of just 145 and 1,443
slaves, the size of the coolie imports rose markedly, reaching as high as 12,391 and
14,263 in 1866 and 1867. From 1865 to the end of the coolie trade in 1874, 64,500 coolies
Coolie Imports to Cuba (1847-1874)
Correlated with Slave Imports and Sugar Production
Year Slaves Coolies Sugar (m. tons)
1847 571
1848
1853 12,500 4,307 391,247
1854 11,400 1,711 397,713
1855 6,408 2,985 4,629
1856 7,304 4,968 416,141
1857 10,436 8,547 436,030
1858 19,992 13,385 426,274
1859 30,473 7,204 469,263
1860 24,895 6,193 428,769
1861 23,964 6,973 533,800
1862 11,254 344 454,758
1863 7,507 952 445,693
1864 6,807 2,153 $25,372
1865 145 6,400 $47,364
1866 1,443 12,391 535,641
1867 14,263 $85,814
1868 7,368 720,250
1869 5,660 718,745
1870 1,227 702,974
1871 1,448 609,660
1872 8,160 772,068
1873 §,093 742,843
1874 2,490 768,672
Total 124,813
1875 750,062
1876 626,082
1877 516,268
1878 $53,364
1879 775,368
1880 618,654
1881 §80,894
1882 620,565
Sources: Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba, 10,36, 250; Pérez de la Riva, “Demografia,” 60 (Scott
reproduced these figures on 29, and corrected an apparent mathematical mistake in the total, from
124,793 in the original to the correct figure of 124,813.)
The Boletin de Colonizacion, in issues I-14 (15 August 1873), I:15 (30 August 1873), 1:16
(15 September 1873), and I:17 (30 September 1873), contains a very detailed record of the entire
coolie trade from China and Macao, listing the following information: 1) date of departure; 2)
name of ship: 3) flag of ship; 4) number of coolies disembarked in Cuba; 5) length of voyage; 6)
Port of exit in China or Macao; 7) Consignatory (agent receiving the cargo in Havana).
arrived, constituting over 50% of the total number imported. During this period, sugar
production climbed steadily, reaching a high of 768,672 metric tons in 1874. Coolies
constituted the source of labor replenishment, delaying the crisis that would have set in
with the end of the slave trade, and making it possible for the plantation economy to
continue to prosper. It is also noteworthy that, after 1875, when both the slave and the
coolie trade had ended, sugar production displayed a pattern of general decline, a crisis
brought on certainly in large part by the shortage of available labor.
THE COOLIE CONTRACT AND COOLIE REGULATIONS
From the very beginning of the trade, Cubans rarely referred to the Chinese as
coolies, or even as workers, but as colonos asiaticos. Those who bought their contracts
were referred to as patrén or patrono. (Significantly, however, the Chinese government
itself preferred the term “employer,” which certainly was more appropriate given the
coolies’ legal status.) The contract [contrata] had the heading Emigracién China para
Cuba, which probably explains the reference to the Chinese as “colonists.” In Chinese,
however, the heading can be translated as “Labour Employment Contract” (Gu-kong-
he-tong), making no allusion to immigration, but, rather, to work.’
All coolies were issued a contract before embarkation for Cuba. Cuban planters
employed agents to handle the trade for them in Macao. The Portuguese authorities in
Macao oversaw the loading process and legalized the documents. The contract was to
be read to the coolie in the appropriate Chinese dialect, so that he fully understood its
terms, and by signing signified conformity with these terms.
The contract was printed in both Chinese and Spanish, and issued in duplicate:
one to the coolie to be kept on his person for the duration of his servitude, and one to the
contracting agency, which transferred it to the patrono upon selling it. Printed in clear
type in both the Spanish and Chinese versions, and usually on a fine blue paper, the
contract includes details such as the name, age and home village of the coolie, the name
of the on-site agent as well as the contracting agency in Havana, sometimes the name of
the coolie ship, and signed by the Spanish consul and the local authorities (Portuguese
in the case of Macao.)
Throughout the years of the trade, some of the basic terms remained constant:
the eight years of servitude almost never varied; the pay of 1 peso a week, or 4 a month,
also remained constant; in addition to salary, coolies were paid in food and clothing —
usually some specified amount of rice, meat or fish, yams or vegetables, as well as two
changes of garment, one jacket and 1 blanket a year. Housing was also provided. The
contract specified three days off during New Years, and usually Sundays as well,
although this was rarely honored even when stipulated. Furthermore, the contract
provided for medical attention, although it also stipulated under what conditions the
patrono could withhold pay until recovery. The patrono was also assured of fully eight
years service, so that the coolie was obligated to make up for lost days by extending his
service beyond the 8 calendar years. In addition, the coolie was advanced 8 to 14 pesos
at time of departure (for passage and a new change of clothing), which constituted a debt
to the patrono to be repaid by deduction from his salary at the rate of 1 pesos a month.
The initial contracts were reinforced by the first coolie regulations issued on 10
April 10 1849, entitled “Government Regulations for the Handling and Treatment of
Asian and Indian Colonists.”* In issuing these rules, Governor-General Conde de Alcoy
bluntly stated the need — in addition to “protecting the rights of the colonists’ —forrules
that also assured their “subordination and discipline, without which they could hurt
instead of benefit agriculture.” Since nowhere in the contract was corporal and other
forms of punishment mentioned, the 1849 Reglamentos clearly spelled out the condi-
tions — insubordination and running away — under which corporal and other forms of
severe punishment could be meted out, including floggings [cuerazos], leg chains or
shackles [grillete], confinement in stocks [cepo]. Cuban historian Juan Pérez de la Riva,
one of the severest critics of the coolie system, pointed out in his study of the legal
condition of the coolies in Cuba, that the rules regarding corporal punishment was lifted
almost verbatim from those designed to discipline and punish slaves.? On the other hand,
the 1849 Regulations also contained two articles clearly implying distinctions between
Chinese coolies and slaves. Article 10 stipulated that whenever there were 10 coolies on
any one estate, the planter must assign a white overseer [mayoral blanco] to supervise
and care for them, and to help them with the work. Article 17 stipulated that only the
white overseer could mete out corporal punishment, and never in the presence of slaves
[negros].
When the trade was resumed in 1853, a new set of regulations were introduced
in 1854, and the contract itself was modified. This was the “Regulations for the
Introduction and Control of Spanish, Chinese and Yucateco Colonists on the Island of
Cuba.”!° Although the regulations included all colonists, it was clearly aimed primarily
at governing Chinese coolies. First of all, in view of the violent reaction of the first coolie
arrivals to corporal punishment, it was specifically prohibited in the 1854 regulations
and all subsequent ones. There is no shortage of evidence to demonstrate that this
prohibition was largely ignored by the planters and their administrators.!!
A new clause was inserted towards the end of the new contract, in which the
colono declared “I am in agreement with the stipulated salary, although I know that free
workers and slaves make much more, because I feel that this difference has been
compensated by other benefits which the patrono has given me, and which are spelled
out in this contract.” Just above this statement was another which clearly stipulated that
upon completion of the eight-year term of service, “I will be free to work as I wish
without being forced to extend this contract, not even under the pretext of debt,
obligations or promises that I might have made.” This rather peculiar juxtaposition, on
the one hand conforming to the international understanding of contract or indentured
labour that frees the worker upon completion of the agreed upon term of service, while
on the other coercing the coolie to accept a lower than going salary rate, suggests an
unresolved conflict in the minds of thase who designed the coolie system in Cuba.
This dilemna was eventually resolved against the coolie, in the 1860 “Regula-
tions for the Introduction of Chinese Workers to the Island of Cuba.”!? The new law
required a change in the contract that required coolies who completed their original term
of service to recontract with the same or another master. Otherwise, they were obligated
to leave Cuba within two months of termination.
The 1854 regulations, a lengthy document containing 66 articles, made clear
two things, which were in fact contradictory. On the one hand, it attributed a legal
personality to the coolie, who was, after all, a free man. On the other hand, during the
eight-year term of servitude, he was clearly the property of the master. Regarding his
rights as a free man, the colono could contract marriage; control his reproduction as well
as assume parental authority over his offsprings and preserve his marital relationship and
familiar obligations (married colonos with children could not be forcibly separated);
acquire and dispose of private property; bring charges against his patrono in court, and
had recourse to the colonial authorities in the event of abuse, which, when severe enough
could result in the recision of his contract.
Most important of all, the regulations spelled out precisely his right to freedom.
Upon reaching 25 years of age, or upon completing six years of service, the colono had
the right to have his contract rescinded by providing a fair indemnization to the patrono.
Furthermore, all colonos could buy out their contract under carefully spelled out
conditions in Article 28. These included: the original purchase price of the contract; a
fair indemnization for the balance of the contract; the cost to the patrone for the services
provided the coolie (such as clothing, job training, tools); cost of inconvenience to the
patrono while looking for a replacement. One exclusionary clause was inserted: the
colono could not avail himself of what was essentially “coartation” during the zafra
[cane harvest] or when other urgent tasks were needed."
In other respects, the contract as well as the series of regulations made it clear
that during the eight-year servitude, the coolies were the property of the patronos,
constituting moreover a fixed capital investment in his enterprise. Despite various
recourses legally available to the coolie to complain against abuses, excesses and
violations of the contract, other stipulations made it clear that the daily life and work of
the coolies were pretty much left to the discretion of those who bought their contracts.
Various clauses also made clear that the contract — and by extension the rights and needs
of the patrono — took precedence over rights and needs of the colono. Article 19 stated
that the colono, upon signing the contract, “renounces the exercise of all civil rights
which are not compatible with the compliance of contract obligations.” He had very little
freedom of mobility, for the colono was specifically prohibited from leaving his place
of work without the written permission of the patrono; otherwise he could be arrested
by the authority as a cimarrdn or runaway. Many of the personal rights accorded the
coolie, such as marriage and acquisition of property, had to have the approval of the
patrono. While coartation was permitted, the terms were so difficult that it was very
difficult, though not impossible (as discussed below). The selling and buying of
contracts, as well as the renting out of contracts, in practice was very little different from
slave transactions. The laws, in effect, particularly on the plantations, were flagrantly
disregarded, the contract a mere piece of paper.
COOLIE CONDITIONS IN CUBA
From the beginning, critics and cynics in Cuba noted and decried the hypocrisy
they perceived in the use of the term colono. If “colonist” implied settling the land and
working it independently, there is plenty of evidence to indicate that such was far from
the minds of those who acquired Chinese coolies and who viewed them simply as brazos
or cheap, unskilled labor. Cuban planter Pedro Diago, owner of the Ingenio Santa Elena,
remarked at the time of the first shipload in 1847, “creo que convendrd su inmigracién
para sustituir la falta de brazos africanos,” to which the Junta de Fomento later added,
“no solo conveniente, sino indispensable” and “el tinico recurso para proporcionar
brazos.’”* Although no more than 20% of the total imported went into domestic service,
public works, and small industries, the vast majority, 80% or more, were sent directly
to the plantations.'* In practice and in some of the laws, the Chinese were denied most
of their rights as free men under contract and after the contract period, and were hardly
regarded by other members of either society as immigrants or colonists. Most of all, the
critics of this system — both contemporary observers as well as historians examining it
retroactively — have focused on the actual physical conditions of work and daily life on
the plantations for the Chinese coolies. There, of course, the Chinese were confronted
with the tradition of slavery, their patronos seasoned slave owners. In Cuba, the Chinese
working alongside slaves, performing basically the same unskilled tasks, with some
small number assigned to more skilled labor.
Coolie traders as well as the planters made little attempt to readjust the system
or even to change the terminology. In South China, hapless Chinese, mostly poor young
men, were “recruited” by force and deception by their own countrymen commonly
called by the Westerners crimps or runners [corredores] — just as their counterparts in
Africa were called. While waiting to be embarked in Macao, these recruits were housed
in “barracoons.” Many of the same ships and captains used in the African slave trade now
transported Chinese coolies, packing them on board in the same way as slaves, across
a “Middle Passage” that was even longer in distance and more arduous. Mortality rates
on these coolie ships — known also as “floating coffins” — were as high as 25 or 30%,
and averaged 16% for Cuba.'6
Upon their arrival in Havana, the coolies were locked up in the depdsitos until
they (technically their contracts) were auctioned off in lots in the same market used to
sell slaves. In the plantations, the coolies were housed in the same quarters as slaves or
former slaves. The administrators resorted to the same methods of control and punish-
ment — stocks and metal bars [cepo and barras], leg chains [grillete], whippings
[azotes], jails and lockups, even executions. Notices appeared in the local newspapers
regarding chinos cimarrones (cimarrones being a term that specifically applied to
runaway slaves) or venta de chinos, although legally, of course, neither the contract nor
certainly the person of the Chinese could be sold.!”
In the actual treatment of the coolies, itis clear that the patronos lived the legacy
of slavery: “They thought only in terms of a slave system; they could not think beyond
that system, and they did not want to go beyond.” The coolie system was erected upon
the foundations laid by slavery. As with slaves, the planters enjoyed “absolute power”
over the coolies.!8
The coolies, for their part, also responded to the harshness of the plantation
regime much as slaves did. They rebelled, individually or collectively; they protested to
the authorities whenever possible though usually with little effect against the over-
whelming power of the planters over the judicial system in spite of certain laws; they ran
away; they resorted to suicide. They even joined insurrections against Spain in Cuba’s
Ten Year War in order to bargain for their personal freedom.'?
On the part of contemporary observers turned critics of the coolie system, as
well as of twentieth century historians examining the system, many viewed this
treatment of legally free men, albeit under contract for eight years, as no different from
chattel slaves, thus concluding that coolies were slaves or semiesclavos and the system
another form of slavery. In many of the critics, an undertone of moral outrage is quite
audible.
EXTENSION AND ADJUSTMENTS TO THE COOLIE SYSTEM
When the coolie trade was cut off in 1874, many of those already in Cuba still
had to work off their terms of servitude. Moreover, mechanisms were put in place to
extend the term of service, to force or otherwise entice the Chinese to continue working
under some kind of contract primarily on the plantations, where demand for labor
continued to be high.
In Cuba, forced recontracting began early, with the Reglamento of 1860
discussed above, which obligated those coolies who had completed their first 8 years to
recontract (for an unspecified period of time) or to leave Cuba at their own expense. Only
those whose contracts expired before 1861 were exempt. To critics such as Pérez de la
Riva, recontracting simply further confirmed his conclusion that the coolie system was
slavery, in that compulsory and successive recontracting perpetuated servitude indefi-
nitely to the point that the legal distinction between indenture and slavery became truly
blurred by the practice.
There is no doubt that the Cubans issued the recontracting regulation in order
to keep as many as possible of this captive alien labor force on the plantations, knowing
full well that very few of the coolies could have saved enough from their meager wages
to pay for their passage home. Equally undeniable a factor was racism, for the question
of race definitely figured into this decision to keep the Chinese unfree. Cuban slavers and
abolitionists alike had trouble dealing with a free nonwhite population, and concerned
about the further mongrelization of Cuban society with the admission of another
undesirable coloured race (see below). Recontracting succeeded well as a devise to keep
Chinese labor in agriculture for as long as possible. The 1872 Cuban census noted 58,400
Chinese, of whom 14,046 were “free,” i.e. men who had completed their original
contracts. Nevertheless, of this number, 10,044 remained in agriculture.?? Records
uncovered by historians in the People’s Republic of China, using Chinese records, reveal
that from 1880 to 1885, a period when many of the coolies sent to Cuba and Peru during
the height (also the last thrust) of the coolie trade in the first half of the 1870s would have
completed their original contracts, only 1,887 of the Chinese managed to make their way
back home to China. This was an insignificant number, given the over 100,000 who left
China in 1870-74 alone for Cuba and Peru.”!
Recontracting took a further, and significant new turn beginning as early as
1870 in Cuba. While the original recontracts were signed between the individual coolie
whose contract had just expired, and the planter or his administrator, usually the same
ones who held the original contracts, a new contracting system involved a free Chinese
— operating as an enganchador (labor contractor or broker) — who engaged and
organized fellow free Chinese [chinos libres] into cuadrillas or gangs. This entire group
of cuadrilleros was then hired out to a plantation for a specified period of time or a
specific piece of work, such as the evaporating room [casa de calderas] in the ingenios
{sugar factory on the estate] of Cuba.”
The Chinese enganchador negotiated all terms of work for his squad and
handled all aspects of employment for the workers, including obtaining the advances
from the planters to pay them, handing out tools, arranging for lodging and food,
responsible for discipline, control, supervision. He also assumed the risks of all losses
and damages. He was likely once acoolie himself, now an independent merchant trading
in goods and men.
By the census of 1872, 14,064 coolies had completed their original contracts,
become naturalized or registered as a “foreign resident.” Under contract were 34,408
coolies; 7,036 were runaways still missing, 864 were captured runaways, and 684 were
sentenced criminals. Awaiting recontracting in the depdsitos [holding cells] were only
864.73 Thus, the planters welcomed the Chinese cuadrillas in 1870 as an innovative
devise to keep the Chinese working on their estates after their contracts expired. But they
also realized that the presence of these chinos libres posed a severe problem of control
over slaves and especially coolies still under contract. An editorial in the Boletin de
Colonizacién, an official organ of the colonial government that represented sugar
interests, concerned about the high rate of marronismo or runaways, charged that these
cuadrillas were the principal cause of flight. The writer asserted that the runaways could
easily hide among the other cuvadrilleros, and that their presence “demoralized the
workers.”*4 Thus, the colonial authorities banned the use of cuadrillas, choosing the
necessity of control over economic flexibility. But they were revived in 1879, at the end
of the Ten Years’ War. The coolie trade as well as slave imports had been terminated for
several years, and labor in short supply.°
For the Chinese, given the 1860 regulation forcing them to recontract or leave
the island, joining one of these cuadrillas was one way to stay in Cuba without resorting
to the much hated individual contract with a patrono. And as in Peru, the Chinese
contractor accumulated capital for business through this process.”
As the decade of the eighties drew to a close, Cuba saw the end of dependence
on slave and coolie labor on the plantations. The old plantation system gave way to the
colonos or independent small farmers who cultivated and supplied the newly modern-
ized mills with the raw canes. Many of these colonos were new immigrants from Europe
(mostly Canary Islanders and Gallegos).
ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS
If one focuses strictly on the eight year term of servitude that the Chinese
coolies bound themselves to by signing the contracts — specifically the condition of
work; the actual physical treatment they received at the hands of planters, administrators,
overseers; the denial of personal freedom; the spatial proximity to slavery — there is no
escaping the conclusion that the coolie system very closely resembled plantation
slavery. Such was the strong indictment issued by critics such as Cuban historians Juan
Pérez de la Riva and Juan Jiménez Pastrana, both of whom have written extensively on
aspects of the coolie trade and coolie life. Pérez dela Riva accused the Cuban planters,
the Spanish slave and coolie traders [negreros] and their allies — who had profited
immensely from the coolie trade — of wanting to convert the coolie into a “permanent
slave“ [esclavo permanente]. In studying the legal status of the coolie, he detected a
strong “slave mentality” [espiritu esclavista] underlying the legislation, and denounced
the hypocrisy of a system that brazenly flaunted the law in order to protect the interests
of the elite2? In all his writings on this controversial, complicated subject, Pérez la de
Riva remained firm in his conviction that the coolie system was more properly speaking
esclavitud china.”
Jiménez Pastrana, the other Cuban historian most associated with the study of
the coolie system, also concluded that in their practice the Cuban planters and coolie
traders reduced the system to “a disguised slavery,” and that “colono” was a euphemism
for a labor force that was cheaper than slaves. However, he also agreed with another
colleague, Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Cuba’s most eminent historian of the sugar
industry, that the coolie “theoretically was nota slave, because he was salaried. And, as
such, he represented an early step in the rise of our working class. The Chinese colono
was really an agricultural worker, with a miserable salary, whose socioeconomic
situation must be included in the history of the Cuban labor movement.’”””? Or, in Moreno
Fraginals’ words: “The Chinese constituted the first step in solving the labor problem
which permitted the beginning of industrialization of sugar: to effect the transition from
manufacturing to industrial production.”?° In other words, Moreno Fraginals and
Jiménez Pastrana recognized that the Chinese, in spite of their abject condition on the
plantation, constituted a transition to free labor, which they considered essential to
industrialization — meaning mechanization and modernization with a skilled, free labor
force.
Rebecca Scott took issue with Moreno Fraginals’ assertion that modernization
required a free and skilled labor force. In her study of Cuban slavery during its last stage
of “gradual abolition,” which was also the period of the coolie trade, she concluded that
the plantations survived and thrived with a mixture of different labor systems — slave,
indentured and free — and involving several racial groups — blacks, Asians, whites,
American Indians and mixed-bloods — “without repudiating slavery itself."' Far from
incompatible, the slave plantation regime was maintained under capitalist industrializa-
tion. And far from destroying slavery, the undeniable importance of Chinese labor in the
survival and developing of the Cuban sugar industry also ensured the perpetuation of
slavery for several more decades. She found that most coolies performed the same type
of unskilled, backbreaking agricultural tasks as slaves, that sugar mills mechanized
heavily in the 1860s and 70s using both slave and coolie labor interchangeably, and that
technology did not render the slave undesirable. If coolies were not substantially
different from slaves, Scott argued, then one cannot assume that they were essential to
mechanization. The fact that coolie contracts were bought and sold, and that coolies had
to be housed, clothed and fed at all times even when their labor was not needed, meant
that economically for the planter, they constituted a form of fixed capital just like the
slaves, not variable capital as wage laborers would have been. Moreover, she observed,
most planters and administrators treated coolies as “virtual slaves.” At best, then, “they
were debt peons of a sort, but debt peons always at risk of being reduced to the status of
those alongside whom they worked: slaves.’2?
French Canadian ethnologist Denise Helly, who also studied the Chinese
coolies in Cuba and thus confronted with the question of whether they were slave or free,
tends to support Moreno Fraginals’ contention that the Chinese were employed in larger
numbers in the more skilled work —”’les installations modernisees des usines centrales.”
She cites Ramon de la Sagra’s description of the work force of the ingenio La Ponina in
1860, where 430 Chinese worked in the casa de calderas (evaporating room), compared
to 252 blacks, and 252 Chinese compared to only 28 blacks in the casa de purga (purging
room). Both these tasks were mechanized and hence required the most skills. By
contrast, on this plantation blacks vastly outnumbered Chinese, 189 to 35, in the less
skilled task of transporting cane from the field to the factory.3
Although the technicians in the boiling and purging houses were usually white
men from Europe and the U.S., the coolies were often assigned to them as aides. Their
wages, however, at 4 pesos per month, were considerably lower than that earned by the
white technicians, usually 30 pesos per month. Nevertheless, “the organization of
production integrates the coolie at the side of the salaried group on the plantation, placing
them in an inferior echelon to that occupied by whites.’*4 Moreover, Helly asserts, their
salaried status gave them a framework for voluntary association (regroupement
voluontaire) leading to collective action and protests. By contrast, planters preferred to.
keep the black slaves in agricultural work, because they were able to cut 400 arrobas of
cane per day compared to the average 200 arrobas cut by the frailer Chinese.*5 Contrary
to Scott, who argued that a varied labor force helped keep slavery alive, Helly maintains
that “the simultaneous utilization of slave and contract labor demonstrated the transfor-
mation of a slave society to a capitalist society.”*° It was Chinese labor that in part made
possible this capitalist transformation to industrial technology and free labor in the
production of sugar. While acknowledging that the “Chinese immigrants” were “cruelly
exploited, physically maltreated and their rights as free men often denied by the bosses,”
their material condition resembling that of slaves, Helly concluded that the Chinese
“should be classified at the bottom of the hierarchy of free workers according to the
wages received and tasks performed.”?7
~~ But even for Scott, the question of Chinese labor was more complex than
equating it to slavery. Regardless of how they were actually treated, legally, the
indentured laborers occupied an intermediate position in the labor hierarchy, “a third
category between slave and free,” and were occasionally perceived as especially suited
for working with machinery.** She also conceded that the cuadrilla system of labor
contracting, described above, exhibited some clear signs of free labor, as the Chinese in
this system were free men who remained free, and who collected a wage (often without
any additional payment in kind) for only the work performed. Sometimes, the cuadrillas
sought work by advertising in local newspapers.” Although technically no longer
coolies when they formed the cuadrillas under a Chinese broker, they were for the most
part coolies at one time. Coolies with expired contracts, and some runaway coolies, fed
the cuadrilla system as recruits.
Although recontracting was coercive and abusive, an examination of the
recontracting agreements reveals some variation in the terms. A batch of recontracts in
1868 indicates that the terms were short, generally 6 months or 1 year. The pay varied
greatly, from a low of 4 pesos 2 reales per month for 1 year, to 13 pesos per month for
1 year. Others were paid 8-1/2 pesos, 12 pesos, 12-3/4 pesos. Some were given food,
clothing and medical attention in addition to cash. Two workers who recontracted with
the same patrono were offered quite different wages of 8-1/2 pesos and 12 pesos
respectively.“ Unfortunately, no other information was provided in these agreements to
help explain the wide differential in pay during the same year, and sometimes on the
same estate. Presumably factors such as age and skills played a part. These recontracts
also suggest that the planters were not able to dictate uniform terms, and that, more
importantly, the coolies appeared to have had some leverage in negotiating the terms. If
this were true, then some labor market forces seemed to be at work here.
The other side of recontracting revealed its extremely coercive and abusive
nature, Among 1,176 Chinese whose depositions were taken by the Chinese Commis-
sion which visited Cuba in 1874, many of whom were serving out a recontract, many
testified that they were forced into successive recontracting. Cuban authorities and
planters were determined to keep the Chinese in the labor market by denying them the
cédula, or certificate of completion of contract, which would have permitted them
freedom of mobility and occupation. When freed from the plantation, the Chinese
preferred to move to the cities and enter petty commerce. Between contracts, those
unable to meet the demands of local authorities — who, instead of issuing the cédulas
free of charge, as provided by law, extorted illegal payments of 17 to 140 pesos for the
precious document — were sent to the municipal depdsitos [holding cells]. There they
awaited to be recontracted, or were put to work on public works construction at no pay
whatsoever. In this sense, the depdsitos served a function of holding a labor reserve for
the planters or anyone else in need of temporary help at low cost.”
But regardless of how they were treated at work, the Chinese were keenly aware
that they werefree men under contract, very distinct from the slaves who were chattel
for life. The National Archives of Cuba contain numerous protests and complaints filed
by coolies against patronos and local authorities whom they felt had violated the
contracts or some regulations, for example, those forbidding corporal punishment. Of
the 1,176 depositions taken from coolies by the Chinese Commission in 1874, most
demonstrated an awareness and deep frustration that, while legally free and protected
from abuses, they were in fact not properly treated, neither by the patronos or by the
authorities charged with protecting them.”
In addition to occupying an intermediate position between slave and free on the
labor hierarchy, as neither slave nor free, the Chinese also occupied an intermediate
position on the color scale, between black and white. Tension developed between blacks
and Asians, and was quickly understood and manipulated by the whites. Such antipathy
was exemplified by the sentiments of Esteban Montejo, the runaway slave immortalized
by Cuban writer Miguel Barnet. Montejo characterized the Chinese as aloof and
separatists.*? Chinese testimonies and criminal records show numerous conflicts,
including assaults and assassinations, between Chinese and blacks on the plantations.“
According to Helly, who studied the issue of ethnicity in depth, the introduction
of an Asian race into Cuban slave society really upset the creole ideological code, which
divided society into black and white, slave and free. Throughout the entire coolie period,
Cuban society never quite decided how to deal with the Chinese race — as white and free,
or colored and unfree. For example, in the official censuses the free Chinese were lumped
into the white category, distinct from blacks, which included both free and slave. In the
rare instances when coolies became baptized and married free Cuban women, they were
registered in the matrimonial books as “whites.’“° A judge in the Consejo de
Administraci6n in 1868 ruled that it was undesirable for blacks to own coolies (i.e., buy
their contracts), as that would upset the social order, noting that the Chinese “considers
his race superior’ to the black.*”
Concluding this discussion on the Chinese in Cuba, a lack of agreement on the
question of whether they were slave or free, and whether and how they contributed to the
transition from a slave mode of production to a capitalist mode, only points up the
ambiguity of the coolie situation: indentured labor implanted in the midst of very
entrenched slavery. The coolie system coexisted with slavery during the latter’s last
twenty-five years, both dying out at the same time. Whether coolie labor reinforced
slavery during its last gasp for life, or whether it facilitated the process of gradual
abolition and the transition to freedom, is still subject to further research and analysis.
To be sure, very little evidence can be found to mitigate the generally harsh
picture of the lot of the Chinese coolies. Nevertheless, even while recognizing that laws
were ignored or openly flaunted, it is important to separate actual physical treatment
from legal status. A well treated slave was still achattel for life by law. By the same token,
the horrendous conditions of the British working class in the early days of the industrial
revolution, as immortalized by Charles Dickens and other critics of the time, does not
detract from the fact that this was a wage-earning labor force of freemen and women with
a greater capacity to change and improve their condition than slaves ever enjoyed. In the
study of coolie labor as a form of indentured servitude defined by law and a contract that
coexisted with or succeeded slavery, regardless of the actual treatment they received,
their legal status cannot be ignored. While this status might have had little ameliorating
effect on their day-to-day existence on the plantation, the fact that this intermediate status
between slave and free was formulated at all could have represented a significant
ideological shift on the part of the planters towards imagining a free labor force. Finally,
much work still needs to be done to examine in greater detail the coolies’ relationship
to production, both while under the original contract and especially during the recontracting
and outside contracting (cuadrilla or enganche) periods.
NOTES
' During this period, about 1.5 million Chinese went overseas, to Southeast Asia, North America,
as well as South America and the Caribbean, and other parts of the world. See Amold Joseph
Meagher, “The Introduction of Chinese laborers to Latin America and the “Coolie Trade’ , 1847-
1874.” unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (U.C. Davis, 1975), 55. (This is an excellent piece of
research that should have been published as an important contribution to an aspect of the
international migration of labor in the 19th century.)
The approximately 225,000 Chinese who went to Cuba and Peru were almost exclusively male.
So few women went under contract that they were statistically insignificant. A few women went
as prostitutes (possibly sent from California by enterprising California Chinese businessmen)
or free women. The Cuban census of 1872 noted 58,400 Chinese, of whom only 32 were
females, 2 under contract and 30 free. Of the 34,650 noted in the 1862 census, 25 were females.
Of the 24,068 in the 1877 census, 58 were females (some possibly born in Cuba and Peru). These
figures taken from C. M. Morales papers, vol. 3, #19, Biblioteca Nacional Jose Marti, Havana:
Vidal Morales y Morales, “Inmigracion de chinosen laIslade Cuba. Datos queha proporcionado
el que suscrita a Mr. Sanger, Inspector General del Censo.” (Collection of clippings, n.d.)
Hugh Tinker, A New System of Slavery. The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830-1920.
London: Oxford University Press, 1974, 113. If Ceylon, Malaysia, the trade before 1842 and
after 1870, and illegal exports were all included, Tinker estimates the number of East Indians
taken overseas to be at least 1 million, possibly as high as 2 million; 114-5.
The Chinese legacy in Cuba exists in a dual state, at once both a fundamental aspect
of the Cuban people and the Cuban nationality while also an oft-overlooked strand in the
fabric of Cuban society and culture. While today the official number of Chinese-born
Cubans in Cuba has decreased to just below 150, the number of Chinese-descendants in
Cuba may well number in the hundreds of thousands given the presence of large numbers
of Chinese in early periods of Cuban history.! This duality merits exploration, as it sheds
light on the unique experiences of Chinese Cubans and Chinese-descendants through
several eras of Cuban history. Most interestingly, the role and presence of Chinese Cubans
in the Cuban Revolution provides unique insight on the impact of the Cuban Communist
Revolution on the island’s race relations—as this movement and its policies served as a
watershed moment for the integration of visible and cultural Chinese into greater Cuban
society. As a transnational group, “colonos asiaticos” existed neither inside of the black-
white racial binary standard in Cuban culture nor within the niche this paradigm provided
to “mulatto” Cubans or other “mixed” Cubans of African-descent. While assimilation and
various racial re-classifications offered some degree of integration, Chinese Cubans often
appeared as wholly foreign to Cuban society up until their extensive participation in the
Communist Revolution before Revolutionary racial policies finally legitimized and
normalized the Cuban peoplehood and nationhood of Chinese Cubans.
Understanding the pivotal role of the Revolution and post-Revolution concepts of
Cuban national identity, and thus the inclusion of Chinese Cubans into greater Cuban
society, requires an overview of the common themes in the Chinese Cuban experience up
until the Revolution. The beginning of the Chinese presence in Cuba, as well as the nature of
their arrival, shaped a lasting perception of Chinese in Cuba that would persist for nearly
the next two centuries. While a small community of Chinese had been present in Cuba since
around 1830, the arrival of significant numbers of Chinese only began in the mid-19%
century.’ Abolition policies in the British Empire initiated a decline in the worldwide trade
of African chattel slaves—a necessary component of the labor force for Cuba’s dominant
and globally important sugar industry. After unsuccessful attempts to recruit and retain
Europeans and indigenous people of the Yucatan as exploitable labor for the sugar fields,
the Cuban planters learned they needed to find a source of labor that would remain bound
to their work.? Essentially, this meant that sugar planters needed a labor force with all the
characteristics of slavery, namely “no legal protection by a Western power; a large source
of supply; and significant cultural differences.”* Cuban planters needed a people group that
would not be able to leave the cane fields and assimilate themselves into Cuban society,
thus escaping the control of the planters.
The Spanish duly began following the precedent of the British, French, Dutch, and
Portuguese Empires by importing Indian and East Asian workers to address labor
shortages. The first recorded arrival in Cuba of these “coolies,” as these workers would
come to be called, involved the arrival of 206 Chinese on June 3, 1847 and an additional
365 Chinese nine days later.5 The Cuban “coolie trade” soon proved itself to be enormously
profitable, as Chinese coolies were cheaper to obtain and could be “purchased as
indentured servants but used as slaves.” By 1874, over 125,000 Chinese had been brought
to Cuba, mostly Hakka and Cantonese from the province of Guangdong.$ The inception of
the Chinese community in Cuba, grounded in the economic need for an exploitable “other”
in the Cuban society and economy, would have long-term ramifications for the Chinese
Cuban experience.
The demographics of these successive waves of Chinese coolies, as well as their East
Asian origin, also served as important factors in shaping the perspectives of the Chinese
Cubans held by other Cuban communities before the Communist Revolution. Men made up
the majority of Chinese coolies brought to Cuba, with many successive shipments of
Chinese almost exclusively male. Attempts to recruit Chinese women or at the very least to
set a minimum ratio of women to men brought by the coolie trade were unsuccessful; only
100 Chinese women arrived in China as coolies.’? The presence of the Chinese in Cuba as a
single gender demographic contrasted with Cuban social and cultural norms of community,
further distancing them from “Cuban-ness.” As one mid-19* century observer of the sale of
Chinese coolie labor noted:
The importation [of Chinese coolies] has not yet existed eight years. So the question,
what will become of these men, exotics, without women or children, taking no root
in the land, has not yet come to a solution. The constant question in, will they remain
and mix with the other races? Will they permitted to remain? Will they be able to go
back?®
This sentiment speaks to a larger phenomenon in Cuban society, in which the many Cubans
perceived the Chinese as physically present on the island but not to be counted as a part of
the Cuban people. This statement indicates that the intersection of “exotic” and “bachelor”
created a stronger degree of separation of the Chinese from Cuban culture than either
characteristic would have alone. Even after Chinese women began to arrive in significant
numbers, this formative perception of Chinese Cubans as a vagrant group that moved
throughout Cuban society without necessarily being a part of it would continue.
This paradigm of coolies, and ultimately Chinese Cubans, as separate and “other”
from the Cuban people was not solely held by the white Cuban community. If anything, the
impact of the sugar trade—which depended on the continued subservience of exploited
labor in harsh working conditions—engendered antagonism between African slaves and
Chinese coolies and prevented attempts at cooperative rebellion. The clashing racial and
social statuses between these communities created effective distance between the Chinese
and other Cubans of Color.? In the memoirs of Esteban Montejo, an African-descended slave
on a sugar plantation, both black and white Cubans saw the Chinese as existing on the
social margin. In recounting one specific memory, he states, “There were some black
coopers who made the sticks in the shape of bottles and the wooden balls for playing. It
was an open game, and everyone could join in. Except for the Chinese, who were pretty
standoffish.”!° The perceived failure of the Chinese to engage in interaction with the Afro-
Cuban people can be interpreted as a wider perception of displacement, or a lack of
belonging, directed at the coolies.
When describing a memory of a community dance, in which both the white
overseers and the black slaves participated, Montejo mentions that he “noticed the ones
who were the least involved were the Chinese. Those bastards didn’t have an ear for drums.
They were standoffish. It was that they thought a lot. In my opinion they thought more than
blacks. Nobody paid them any mind.”!! These allegations of the inability of the Chinese to
participate in the dance reinforces a view of the “outsider status” of Chinese in Cuban
culture. Furthermore, Montejo describes the Chinese as not merely choosing to participate
but as decisively unable to engage in Cuban culture—thus literally and figuratively
consigned to “standing off’ at a distance. This significant distinction can be read as a
perception of Chinese not marginalized necessarily by their own choosing, but unable tointegrate into Cuban culture due to their fundamental “otherness” and incompatibility with
Cuban culture.
While divisions between coolies and other Cubans of Color certainly continued to
impact the experiences of later generations of Chinese Cubans, the Chinese in Cuba
meanwhile made strategic alliances with other Cuban communities—especially with Cuban
women. These relationships, most often with Afro-Cuban women, offered one of the few
chances for Chinese coolies and Chinese Cubans to put down roots in Cuba and begin the
process of building a new life with greater autonomy.!4 Following the end of their oft-
extended indentured servitude, many ecclesiastical records beginning in the 1880s indicate
that several Chinese coolies sought and formed marriages with Afro-Cuban women.!5 Lisa
Yun holds that these official marriages in fact represented only a small portion of the Afro-
Chinese-Cuban conjugal and marital-style relationships, as the ambiguous racial status of
the Chinese in Cuban culture made marriage licenses hard for Chinese to obtain. Yun states
that common-law marriages were thus easier for these mixed-race couples to pursue.
Marriages to white Cuban women were much less frequent, as the nature of the coolies’
grunt labor alongside slaves and exotic view of their culture and physical appearances
placed them in a class lower than whites.14 Consequently, the legacy of arriving as coolie
workers facilitated the Chinese into more numerous relationships with Afro-Cuban women
given their typical associations with non-whiteness and foreignness.
Yun continues, however, that these relationships—and the children borne out of
them—usually came at the sacrifice of the Chinese cultural identity.15 Records of these
Afro-Chinese-Cuban children indicate that they were often classified as mestizo, pardo, or
identified as a libres de color, or free people of color, all of which often denoted only African
heritage.16 Additionally, the Chinese fathers rarely transmitted the Chinese language to
their mixed-race children, and these children resultantly often did not retain a significant
degree of Chinese cultural or spiritual practices. Instead, the children of these Afro-Chinese
unions typically espoused the Afro-creole culture of their mothers, who frequently took the
lead in child-rearing.!” Yun’s examination of Cuban court and notary documents in the
1890s, when many of these children began coming of age, indicates that only those Afro-
Chinese Cubans with obvious East Asian features were described with the additional terms
asiatico or achinado.1® Thus unlike the Communist Revolution, these interracial alliances
largely offered a path of assimilation into the Afro-Cuban community rather than the
integration of the Chinese cultural and ethnic identity into Cuban society.
The participation of many Chinese Cubans in Cuba’s Communist Revolution in 1959,
which included Chinese Cubans in high positions of leadership in the rebellion,
dramatically changed the dynamic of Chinese isolation and Chinese “otherness.” The
Chinese community in Cuba by this time was nearly twelve thousand and included the
recent Chinese merchant immigrants as well as the coolie-descendants who had retained
Chinese identities.1? For the waves of Chinese that had arrived in the 1940s, the Cuban
Communist Revolution was understood through the lens of their experiences with the
Chinese Communist Revolution, which had also received support from some Chinese
Cubans. Members of the Chinese merchant immigrant community, however, became some
of the first Cubans to leave the island during the early days of the Cuban Revolution as the
Cuban Communist Revolution represented yet another attack on their economic agency
and capitalist pursuits. For the same reasons, the large Chinese Cuban grocer community
also organized resistance to the Cuban Revolution.?° 21 For the Chinese who stayed in Cuba
instead of joining the wave of remigration to other parts of Latin America and the United
States, the Communist Revolution and the implementation of Revolutionary policies on
race and nationality catalyzed an entirely new national identity for Chinese Cubans that did
not marginalize them due to their Chinese ethnicity or heritage.
Chinese Cubans involved themselves in the earliest inceptions of the Cuban
Revolution. Several Chinese Cubans took part in the 1959 raiding force on the Macada
Army Barracks in Santiago de Cuba in 1553, an effort led by Fidel Castro.22 Luis Li and Juan
Mok featured among these Chinese Cuban rebels, and their participation in the rebel
movement and in the famous battle on the 26 of July—arguably one of the most important
and defining moments in the Cuban Revolution—demonstrate how the intersection of their
ethnic identities and their Revolutionary involvement created and legitimized an entirely
new nationality for Chinese Cubans. Li, from Havana, used his family connections in the
Chinese Chamber of Commerce to recruit more Chinese Cuban revolutionaries. An active
member in the Partido Socialista Popular, he also routinely used Chinese spaces in Cuba to
promote and further the aims of the Revolution. His actions included holding clandestine
Communist Rebel meetings in the Chinese grocery store on Washington Street in Havana.2?
Mok, similarly to Li, was arrested several times by the Cuban government for his
Revolutionary involvement. He also turned to Chinese cultural spaces in Cuba to advocate
for the Revolution in Cuba, writing supportive pieces in the Chinese-language Cuban
newspaper, Kwong Wah Po.** Chinese Cubans involved in the Revolution war effort made a
name for themselves amongst the other rebels for their singular reputation as highly
dedicated to the Revolutionary cause. These revolucionarios cubanos of Chinese descent
drew on the reputation of the Chinese Cuban independence fighters during the 1895 Cuban
War for Independence about whom they frequently recalled, “there was not a single
Chinese Cuban deserter; there was not a single Chinese Cuban traitor!”25 For these Chinese
Cubans, largely composed of youth of varying backgrounds and generations of Cuban
residency, the Revolution offered a chance to validate their presence and the legitimacy of
their Cuban nationality through a demonstration of loyalty to the Cuban people.
Chinese Cubans also served as famous leaders in the Revolutionary effort, fighting
and strategizing alongside the famed Che Guevara and Fidel Castro. In their memoir,
former Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces Generals Armando Choy Rodriguez, Gustavo
Chui Beltran, and Moises Sio Wong recounted their experiences as fighters in the 26 of
July Movement and as Cubans of Chinese descent. Their stories relate how their
involvement in the Revolutionary effort intersected with their Chinese identity to form a
Revolutionary Cuban national identity. When asked about how his ethnic Chinese
background influenced the development of his Cuban Revolutionary consciousness, Moises
Sio Wong replied, “I joined the movement as a Cuban. | thought like a Cuban, not like
someone from China.”26 While this adoption of a validated Revolutionary identity appears
to have subsumed his Chinese ethnic identity, it is noteworthy to realize that Wong
determined and assumed this status for himself. In a sharp departure from the experiences
of former generations of immigrants and coolies, externally consigned to “outsider status”
with the hope that their mixed-heritage children could fully assimilate, Wong achieved
inclusion into Cuban nationality even though he exhibited an East Asian physiognomy and
was of pure Chinese descent. His statement proves that he was not precluded from Cuban
nationality based on his “racial deviation” from the previous Cuban black, white and pardo
racial triad norms, but that he used his rebel involvement to catalyze the Revolutionary
In other ways, however, Chinese Cubans participating in the Cuban Revolution
proudly leveraged their Chinese heritage when contributing to the Revolutionary effort and
expressing solidarity—both actions that further served to affirm their belonging to Cuban
nationhood. Fidel Castro and the 26% of July Movement received vocal support in the
January 1959 issue of the bilingual Chinese retailer magazine Fraternidad.2’ In 1960,
Chinese Cubans hosted a banquet in Barrio Chino—Havana’s Chinatown—in celebration of
the Castro brothers’ assumption of political office.2® In 1959, a variety of left-wing Chinese
organizations in Havana re-organized into the Alianza Neuva Democracia China in Cuba, or
the Chinese New Democracy Alliance in Cuba. This organization participated with many
Cuban demonstrations of solidarity with Castro and the 26" of July Movement. When
voicing support at a rally to oppose U.S. attempts to align Latin American countries in
opposition to Cuba, the Alianza organization famously carried a sign that read “Resident
Chinese Support the Cuban Revolution And It’s Leader Fidel Castro.”2? Rather than an
impediment to inclusion in Cuban society, these activists proudly centered their Chinese
ethnicity and heritage as the platform for the Cuban revolutionary consciousness and
identity.
In February of 1960, several second-generation Chinese Cubans such as Luis Liu and
Pedro Eng Herrera organized militias to support the Revolution, which included the Milicia
Popular China (Chinese Popular Militia). They also organized the Brigada Jose Wong (Jose
Wong Brigade)—recalling a Chinese Cuban victim of the Batista regime in the 1930s. Even
after these all-Chinese forces merged into the Cuban National Militia, they continued to use
their Chinese heritage to inform their understanding and expression of the Revolutionary
effort. The most notable example of this occurred when they fortified the Isla de Pinos just
off the Southern Cuban coast in the name of “preventing it from becoming another
Taiwan.”2° These very visible mergers of Chinese ethnic identities with political and
military support for the Revolution served as an important signal to greater Cuban society
that the Chinese people formed a vital component of the Cuban people as well.
The Revolutionary government’s policies concerning race, status, and nationality
also contributed heavily to the integration of Chinese Cubans into greater Cuban society. In
a speech given on January 23, 1960, Castro stated:
We feel that our Revolution will help eliminate those prejudices and injustices that
remain latent. For the time being, we have given proof in our revolutionary struggle
in the absolute identification and brotherhood of men with all skin colors.#1
In this statement, Castro dedicates the Revolutionary regime to equal inclusion of all
Cubans who wanted to partake in the Revolutionary national effort—which included the
country’s ethnic minorities. Wong later confirms this transformation in social status for
Chinese Cubans when he states, “What is the difference in the experience of the Chinese in
Cuba versus other countries of the diaspora? The difference is that here a socialist
revolution took place. The revolution eliminated discrimination based on the color of one’s
skin.”32 The Revolution’s aim to implement ubiquitous non-discrimination meant that
Chinese Cubans loyal to the state would no longer need to feel foreign or rejected from
Cuban nationality by the Cuban government due to their ethnic Chinese origin and
appearance.
The impact of the Revolutionary government’s receptiveness to Cubans of Chinese
origin contributed in fundamental ways to how later scholarship, both within Cuba and in
other countries, would perceive and define the transcultural national character of the
Cuban people, whose origins would be recorded to include “even the Yellow Mongoloid.”3?
Images dating to post-Revolutionary society show continued acknowledgement of Chinese
or mixed Chinese heritage without inferred preclusion from Cuban culture.** 35 36 The
images provide evidence of Chinese Cubans of a variety of backgrounds proudly engaging
in Chinese cultural activities within the Cuban national and social context. These images
also demonstrate that Chinese ethnic consciousness persisted in the post-RevolutionaryCuban society that, while officially “post-racial,” allowed for Chinese Cubans to participate
in Cuban society as fully Cuban and proudly Chinese.
As evidenced by the dynamics of Chinese Cuban involvement in the Cuban
Communist Revolution and the experiences of Chinese Cubans in the post-Revolutionary
Cuban society, the integration of Chinese Cubans in the Revolutionary and post-
Revolutionary period of Cuban history actualized and progressed on an unprecedented
scale due to the Cuban Revolution. Reviewing the historical experiences and perspectives
of Chinese Cubans and the descendants of Chinese coolies, as well as the very origins of this
community, indicates that the Cuban Revolution brought about societal inclusivity for
Chinese Cubans that contrasted sharply with previous circumstances of Chinese
marginalization and invisibility in Cuban society. More so than any other moment in Cuban
history, the Communist Revolution ultimately established the essential and acknowledged
China,[h] officially the People's Republic of China (PRC),[i] is a country in East Asia. It is the second-most populous country after India, with a population exceeding 1.4 billion, representing 17% of the world's population. China borders fourteen countries by land[j] across an area of 9.6 million square kilometers (3,700,000 sq mi), making it the third-largest country by area.[k] The country is divided into 33 province-level divisions: 22 provinces,[l] 5 autonomous regions, 4 municipalities, and 2 semi-autonomous special administrative regions. Beijing is the capital, while Shanghai is the most populous city by urban area and largest financial center.
The first humans in China arrived during the Paleolithic era. By the 2nd millennium BCE dynastic states had emerged in the Yellow River basin. The 8th?3rd centuries BCE saw a breakdown in the authority of the Zhou dynasty, accompanied by the emergence of administrative and military techniques, literature and philosophy. In 221 BCE, China was unified under an emperor, ushering in two millennia of imperial rule. Chinese achievements include the invention of gunpowder, paper, printing and the compass, the establishment of the Silk Road, and the building of the Great Wall. Chinese culture has flourished and has had a great influence on the region and beyond. China began to cede parts of the country in the 19th century, to European powers through a series of unequal treaties. The 1911 Revolution overthrew the Qing dynasty and the Republic of China was established the following year. The country was unstable and fragmented during the Warlord Era, this came to an end with the Northern Expedition conducted by the Kuomintang to reunify the country.
The Chinese Civil War began in 1927, when Kuomintang forces purged members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). China was invaded by the Empire of Japan in 1937, leading the CCP and Kuomintang to form the Second United Front to fight the Japanese. The Second Sino-Japanese War ended in a Chinese victory; however, the CCP and the Kuomintang resumed their civil war. In 1949, the CCP proclaimed the People's Republic of China and forced the Kuomintang-led government to retreat to the island of Taiwan. The country was split, with both sides claiming to be the legitimate government. Following the implementation of land reforms, attempts by the CCP to realize communism failed: the Great Leap Forward was responsible for the Great Chinese Famine which resulted in millions of deaths, and the Cultural Revolution was a period of turmoil and persecution. The reform and opening up that began in 1978 moved the country away from a planned economy towards a market-based economy, spurring an economic boom. A movement for political liberalization stalled after the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre.
Since 1949, China has been a unitary communist state with the CCP as its sole ruling party. It is one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council and a member of numerous multilateral and regional organizations. Making up around one-fifth of the world's economy, China is the second-wealthiest country in the world, with the Chinese economy being the largest when adjusted for PPP. However, China ranks poorly in measures of democracy and human rights. China has been one of the fastest-growing modern economies and is the world's largest manufacturer and exporter, as well as the second-largest importer. China is a nuclear-weapon state with the world's largest standing army and the second-largest defense budget. It is described as either a potential or established superpower due to its influence in the fields of geopolitics, technology, manufacturing, economics and culture. China is known for its cuisine and culture. It is a megadiverse country, and has 60 UNESCO World Heritage Sites.
Etymology
Main article: Names of China
China (today's Guangdong), Mangi (inland of Xanton), and Cataio (inland of China and Chequan, and including the capital Cambalu, Xandu, and a marble bridge) are all shown as separate regions on this 1570 map by Abraham Ortelius.
The word "China" has been used in English since the 16th century; however, it was not used by the Chinese themselves during this period. Its origin has been traced through Portuguese, Malay, and Persian back to the Sanskrit word C?na, used in ancient India.[14] "China" appears in Richard Eden's 1555 translation[m] of the 1516 journal of the Portuguese explorer Duarte Barbosa.[n][14] Barbosa's usage was derived from Persian Ch?n (???), which in turn derived from Sanskrit C?na (???).[19] The origin of the Sanskrit word is a matter of debate.[14] C?na was first used in early Hindu scripture, including the Mahabharata (3rd century BCE?4th century CE) and the Laws of Manu (2nd century BCE?2nd century CE).[20] In 1655, Martino Martini suggested that the word China is derived ultimately from the name of the Qin dynasty (221?206 BCE) or the prior state of Qin.[21][20] Although use in Indian sources precedes this dynasty, though not the state, this derivation is still given in various sources.[22] Alternative suggestions include the names for Yelang and the Jing or Chu state.[20][23]
The official name of the modern state is the "People's Republic of China" (simplified Chinese: ???????; traditional Chinese: ???????; pinyin: Zh?nghuá rénmín gònghéguó). The shorter form is "China" (??; ??; Zh?ngguó), from zh?ng ('central') and guó ('state'), a term which developed under the Western Zhou dynasty in reference to its royal demesne.[o][p] It was used in official documents as an synonym for the state under the Qing.[26] The name Zhongguo is also translated as 'Middle Kingdom' in English.[27] China is sometimes referred to as mainland China or "the Mainland" when distinguishing it from the Republic of China or the PRC's Special Administrative Regions.[28][29][30]
History
Main article: History of China
For a chronological guide, see Timeline of Chinese history.
Prehistory
10,000-year-old pottery, Xianren Cave culture (18000?7000 BCE)
Archaeological evidence suggests that early hominids inhabited China 2.25 million years ago.[31] The hominid fossils of Peking Man, a Homo erectus who used fire,[32] have been dated to between 680,000 and 780,000 years ago.[33] The fossilized teeth of Homo sapiens (dated to 125,000?80,000 years ago) have been discovered in Fuyan Cave.[34] Chinese proto-writing existed in Jiahu around 6600 BCE,[35] at Damaidi around 6000 BCE,[36] Dadiwan from 5800 to 5400 BCE, and Banpo dating from the 5th millennium BCE. Some scholars have suggested that the Jiahu symbols (7th millennium BCE) constituted the earliest Chinese writing system.[35]
Early dynastic rule
Further information: Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors, Xia dynasty, Shang dynasty, Zhou dynasty, Spring and Autumn period, and Warring States period
Yinxu, the ruins of the capital of the late Shang dynasty (14th century BCE)
According to traditional Chinese historiography, the Xia dynasty was established during the late 3rd millennium BCE, marking the beginning of the dynastic cycle that was understood to underpin China's entire political history. In the modern era, the Xia's historicity came under increasing scrutiny, in part due to the earliest known attestation of the Xia being written millennia after the date given for their collapse. In 1958, archaeologists discovered sites belonging to the Erlitou culture that existed during the early Bronze Age; they have since been characterized as the remains of the historical Xia, but this conception is often rejected.[37][38][39] The Shang dynasty that traditionally succeeded the Xia is the earliest for which there are both contemporary written records and undisputed archaeological evidence.[40] The Shang ruled much of the Yellow River valley until the 11th century BCE, with the earliest hard evidence dated c.?1300 BCE.[41] The oracle bone script, attested from c.?1250 BCE but generally assumed to be considerably older,[42][43] represents the oldest known form of written Chinese,[44] and is the direct ancestor of modern Chinese characters.[45]
The Shang were overthrown by the Zhou, who ruled between the 11th and 5th centuries BCE, though the centralized authority of Son of Heaven was slowly eroded by fengjian lords. Some principalities eventually emerged from the weakened Zhou and continually waged war with each other during the 300-year Spring and Autumn period. By the time of the Warring States period of the 5th?3rd centuries BCE, there were seven major powerful states left.[46]
Imperial China
Further information: Chinese Empire and History of China § Imperial China
Qin and Han
The southward expansion of the Han dynasty during the 2nd century BCE
The Warring States period ended in 221 BCE after the state of Qin conquered the other six states, reunited China and established the dominant order of autocracy. King Zheng of Qin proclaimed himself the Emperor of the Qin dynasty, becoming the first emperor of a unified China. He enacted Qin's legalist reforms, notably the standardization of Chinese characters, measurements, road widths, and currency. His dynasty also conquered the Yue tribes in Guangxi, Guangdong, and Northern Vietnam.[47] The Qin dynasty lasted only fifteen years, falling soon after the First Emperor's death.[48][49]
Following widespread revolts during which the imperial library was burned,[q] the Han dynasty emerged to rule China between 206 BCE and 220 CE, creating a cultural identity among its populace still remembered in the ethnonym of the modern Han Chinese.[48][49] The Han expanded the empire's territory considerably, with military campaigns reaching Central Asia, Mongolia, Korea, and Yunnan, and the recovery of Guangdong and northern Vietnam from Nanyue. Han involvement in Central Asia and Sogdia helped establish the land route of the Silk Road, replacing the earlier path over the Himalayas to India. Han China gradually became the largest economy of the ancient world.[51] Despite the Han's initial decentralization and the official abandonment of the Qin philosophy of Legalism in favor of Confucianism, Qin's legalist institutions and policies continued to be employed by the Han government and its successors.[52]
Three Kingdoms, Jin, Northern and Southern dynasties
After the end of the Han dynasty, a period of strife known as Three Kingdoms followed, at the end of which Wei was swiftly overthrown by the Jin dynasty. The Jin fell to civil war upon the ascension of a developmentally disabled emperor; the Five Barbarians then rebelled and ruled northern China as the Sixteen States. The Xianbei unified them as the Northern Wei, whose Emperor Xiaowen reversed his predecessors' apartheid policies and enforced a drastic sinification on his subjects. In the south, the general Liu Yu secured the abdication of the Jin in favor of the Liu Song. The various successors of these states became known as the Northern and Southern dynasties, with the two areas finally reunited by the Sui in 589.[53][54]
Sui, Tang and Song
The Sui restored the Han to power through China, reformed its agriculture, economy and imperial examination system, constructed the Grand Canal, and patronized Buddhism. However, they fell quickly when their conscription for public works and a failed war in northern Korea provoked widespread unrest.[55][56] Under the succeeding Tang and Song dynasties, Chinese economy, technology, and culture entered a golden age.[57] The Tang dynasty retained control of the Western Regions and the Silk Road,[58] which brought traders to as far as Mesopotamia and the Horn of Africa,[59] and made the capital Chang'an a cosmopolitan urban center. However, it was devastated and weakened by the An Lushan rebellion in the 8th century.[60] In 907, the Tang disintegrated completely when the local military governors became ungovernable. The Song dynasty ended the separatist situation in 960, leading to a balance of power between the Song and the Liao dynasty. The Song was the first government in world history to issue paper money and the first Chinese polity to establish a permanent navy which was supported by the developed shipbuilding industry along with the sea trade.[61]
Between the 10th and 11th century CE, the population of China doubled to around 100 million people, mostly because of the expansion of rice cultivation in central and southern China, and the production of abundant food surpluses. The Song dynasty also saw a revival of Confucianism, in response to the growth of Buddhism during the Tang,[62] and a flourishing of philosophy and the arts, as landscape art and porcelain were brought to new levels of complexity.[63] However, the military weakness of the Song army was observed by the Jin dynasty. In 1127, Emperor Emeritus Huizong, Emperor Qinzong and the capital Bianjing were captured during the Jin?Song wars. The remnants of the Song retreated to southern China and reestablished the Song at Jiankang.[64]
Yuan, Ming and Qing
China's first emperor, Qin Shi Huang, is famed for having united the Warring States' walls to form the Great Wall of China. Most of the present structure dates to the Ming dynasty.
The Mongol conquest of China began in 1205 with the campaigns against Western Xia by Genghis Khan,[65] who also invaded Jin territories.[66] In 1271, the Mongol leader Kublai Khan established the Yuan dynasty, which conquered the last remnant of the Song dynasty in 1279. Before the Mongol invasion, the population of Song China was 120 million citizens; this was reduced to 60 million by the time of the census in 1300.[67] A peasant named Zhu Yuanzhang overthrew the Yuan in 1368 and founded the Ming dynasty as the Hongwu Emperor. Under the Ming dynasty, China enjoyed another golden age, developing one of the strongest navies in the world and a rich and prosperous economy amid a flourishing of art and culture. It was during this period that admiral Zheng He led the Ming treasure voyages throughout the Indian Ocean, reaching as far as East Africa.[68]
In the early Ming dynasty, China's capital was moved from Nanjing to Beijing. With the budding of capitalism, philosophers such as Wang Yangming critiqued and expanded Neo-Confucianism with concepts of individualism and equality of four occupations.[69] The scholar-official stratum became a supporting force of industry and commerce in the tax boycott movements, which, together with the famines and defense against Japanese invasions of Korea (1592?1598) and Later Jin incursions led to an exhausted treasury.[70] In 1644, Beijing was captured by a coalition of peasant rebel forces led by Li Zicheng. The Chongzhen Emperor committed suicide when the city fell. The Manchu Qing dynasty, then allied with Ming dynasty general Wu Sangui, overthrew Li's short-lived Shun dynasty and subsequently seized control of Beijing, which became the new capital of the Qing dynasty.[71]
The Qing conquest of the Ming and expansion of the empire
The Qing dynasty, which lasted from 1644 until 1912, was the last imperial dynasty of China. The Ming-Qing transition (1618?1683) cost 25 million lives, but the Qing appeared to have restored China's imperial power and inaugurated another flowering of the arts.[72] After the Southern Ming ended, the further conquest of the Dzungar Khanate added Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang to the empire.[73] Meanwhile, China's population growth resumed and shortly began to accelerate. It is commonly agreed that pre-modern China's population experienced two growth spurts, one during the Northern Song period (960?1127), and other during the Qing period (around 1700?1830).[74] By the High Qing era China was possibly the most commercialized country in the world, and imperial China experienced a second commercial revolution by the end of the 18th century.[75] On the other hand, the centralized autocracy was strengthened in part to suppress anti-Qing sentiment with the policy of valuing agriculture and restraining commerce, like the Haijin during the early Qing period and ideological control as represented by the literary inquisition, causing some social and technological stagnation.[76][77]
The Eight-Nation Alliance invaded China to defeat the anti-foreign Boxers and their Qing backers. The image shows a celebration ceremony inside the Chinese imperial palace, the Forbidden City after the signing of the Boxer Protocol in 1901.
In the mid-19th century, the Opium Wars with Britain and France forced China to pay compensation, open treaty ports, allow extraterritoriality for foreign nationals, and cede Hong Kong to the British[78] under the 1842 Treaty of Nanking, the first of what have been termed the unequal treaties. The First Sino-Japanese War (1894?1895) resulted in Qing China's loss of influence in the Korean Peninsula, as well as the cession of Taiwan to Japan.[79] The Qing dynasty also began experiencing internal unrest in which tens of millions of people died, especially in the White Lotus Rebellion, the failed Taiping Rebellion that ravaged southern China in the 1850s and 1860s and the Dungan Revolt (1862?1877) in the northwest. The initial success of the Self-Strengthening Movement of the 1860s was frustrated by a series of military defeats in the 1880s and 1890s.[80] In the 19th century, the great Chinese diaspora began. Losses due to emigration were added to by conflicts and catastrophes such as the Northern Chinese Famine of 1876?1879, in which between 9 and 13 million people died.[81] The Guangxu Emperor drafted a reform plan in 1898 to establish a modern constitutional monarchy, but these plans were thwarted by the Empress Dowager Cixi. The ill-fated anti-foreign Boxer Rebellion of 1899?1901 further weakened the dynasty. Although Cixi sponsored a program of reforms known as the late Qing reforms, the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 ended the Qing dynasty.[82] Puyi, the last Emperor, abdicated in 1912.[83]
Republic of China
Main article: Republic of China (1912?1949)
Further information: 1911 Revolution, Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and Chinese Communist Revolution
On 1 January 1912, the Republic of China (ROC) was established, and Sun Yat-sen of the Kuomintang was proclaimed provisional president.[84] In 1912, the presidency was given to Yuan Shikai, a former Qing general who in 1915 proclaimed himself Emperor of China. In the face of popular condemnation and opposition from his own Beiyang Army, he was forced to re-establish the republic in 1916.[85] After Yuan's death in 1916, China was politically fragmented. Its Beijing-based government was internationally recognized but virtually powerless; regional warlords controlled most of its territory.[86][87] During this period, China participated in World War I and saw a far-reaching popular uprising called the May Fourth Movement.[88] In the late 1920s, the Kuomintang under Chiang Kai-shek reunified most the country through the Northern Expedition.[89][90] The Kuomintang moved the nation's capital to Nanjing and implemented "political tutelage", an intermediate stage of political development outlined in Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People program for transforming China into a modern democratic state.[91][92] The Kuomintang briefly allied with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) during the Northern Expedition, though the alliance broke down in 1927 after Chiang violently suppressed the CCP and other leftists in Shanghai, marking the beginning of the Chinese Civil War.[93] CCP forces in Jiangxi were wiped out by the Nationa in 1934, leading the CCP to initiate the Long March and relocate to Yan'an in Shaanxi. It would be the base of the communists before major combat in the Chinese Civil War ended in 1949.
Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong toasting together in 1945 following the end of World War II
In 1931, Japan invaded and occupied Manchuria. Japan invaded other parts of China in 1937, precipitating the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937?1945), a theater of World War II. The war forced an uneasy alliance between the Kuomintang and the CCP. Japanese forces committed numerous war atrocities against the civilian population; as many as 20 million Chinese civilians died.[94] An estimated 40,000 to over 300,000 Chinese were massacred in Nanjing alone during the Japanese occupation.[95] The Republic of China, along with the UK, the United States, and the Soviet Union, were recognized as the Allied "Big Four" in the Declaration by United Nations.[96][97] Along with the other three great powers, China was one of the four major Allies of World War II, and was later considered one of the primary victors in the war.[98][99] After the surrender of Japan in 1945, China emerged victorious but war-ravaged and financially drained. Taiwan, along with the Penghu, were handed over to ROC control; however, the validity of this handover is controversial.[100] In 1946, fighting between CCP and KMT forces broke out and the country resumed a state of civil war that lasted more than three years.[101] Constitutional rule was established in 1947, but because of the ongoing war, many provisions of the ROC constitution were never implemented in mainland China.[100]
People's Republic of China
Main article: History of the People's Republic of China
On 1 October 1949, Mao Zedong announced the founding of the People's Republic of China
By 1949, the CCP took control of most of mainland China, and the ROC government retreated to Taiwan. On 1 October 1949, CCP Chairman Mao Zedong formally proclaimed the People's Republic of China.[102] In 1950, the PRC captured Hainan from the ROC[103] and annexed Tibet.[104] The CCP consolidated its popularity among the peasants through the Land Reform Movement, which included the state-tolerated executions of between 1 and 2 million landlords by peasants and former tenants.[105] Though the PRC initially allied closely with the Soviet Union, the relations between the two communist nations gradually deteriorated, leading China to develop an independent industrial system and its own nuclear weapons.[106] The Chinese population increased from 550 million in 1950 to 900 million in 1974.[107] However, the Great Leap Forward, a massive industrialization project, resulted in an estimated 15 to 55 million deaths between 1959 and 1961, mostly from starvation.[108][109] In 1964, China detonated its first atomic bomb.[110] In 1966, Mao and his allies launched the Cultural Revolution, sparking a decade of political recrimination and social upheaval that lasted until Mao's death in 1976.[111]
The 1989 Tiananmen Square protests were ended by a military-led massacre.
After Mao's death, the Gang of Four were arrested by Hua Guofeng. The Cultural Revolution was rebuked, with millions rehabilitated. Deng Xiaoping took power in 1978, and started the reform and opening up, instituting large-scale political and economic reforms to transition away from planned economy.[112][113] China adopted its current constitution on 4 December 1982.[114] In 1989, there were protests such those in Tiananmen Square, and then throughout the entire nation.[115] Jiang Zemin was elevated to become the CCP general secretary, becoming the paramount leader.[116][117] China's economy grew sevenfold during Jiang's tenure.[118] British Hong Kong and Portuguese Macau returned to China in 1997 and 1999, respectively, as special administrative regions under the principle of one country, two systems. In 2002, Hu Jintao succeeded Jiang as the general secretary.[118] Under Hu, China maintained its high rate of economic growth, overtaking the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Japan to become the world's second-largest economy.[119] However, the growth also severely impacted the country's resources and environment,[120][121] and caused major social displacement.[122][123] Xi Jinping succeeded Hu as paramount leader in 2012. Shortly after his ascension to power, Xi launched a vast anti-corruption crackdown,[124] that prosecuted more than 2 million officials by 2022.[125] During his tenure, Xi has consolidated power unseen since the initiation of economic and political reforms.[126]
Geography
Main article: Geography of China
A topographic map of China
China's landscape is vast and diverse, ranging from the Gobi and Taklamakan Deserts in the arid north to the subtropical forests in the wetter south. The Himalaya, Karakoram, Pamir and Tian Shan mountain ranges separate China from much of South and Central Asia. The Yangtze and Yellow Rivers, the third- and sixth-longest in the world, respectively, run from the Tibetan Plateau to the densely populated eastern seaboard. China's coastline along the Pacific Ocean is 14,500 km (9,000 mi) long and is bounded by the Bohai, Yellow, East China and South China seas. China connects through the Kazakh border to the Eurasian Steppe.
The territory of China lies between latitudes 18° and 54° N, and longitudes 73° and 135° E. The geographical center of China is marked by the Center of the Country Monument at 35°50?40.9?N 103°27?7.5?E. China's landscapes vary significantly across its vast territory. In the east, along the shores of the Yellow Sea and the East China Sea, there are extensive and densely populated alluvial plains, while on the edges of the Inner Mongolian plateau in the north, broad grasslands predominate. Southern China is dominated by hills and low mountain ranges, while the central-east hosts the deltas of China's two major rivers, the Yellow River and the Yangtze River. Other major rivers include the Xi, Mekong, Brahmaputra and Amur. To the west sit major mountain ranges, most notably the Himalayas. High plateaus feature among the more arid landscapes of the north, such as the Taklamakan and the Gobi Desert. The world's highest point, Mount Everest (8,848 m), lies on the Sino-Nepalese border.[127] The country's lowest point, and the world's third-lowest, is the dried lake bed of Ayding Lake (?154 m) in the Turpan Depression.[128]
Huangshan in Anhui
Despite spanning the equivalent of five geographical time zones (from UTC+5 to UTC+9), China uses a single national time zone, China Standard Time (UTC+8).[129][130] This uniform time policy was adopted in 1949.[129]
Climate
Main article: Climate of China
Further information: Great Green Wall (China)
China's climate is mainly dominated by dry seasons and wet monsoons, which lead to pronounced temperature differences between winter and summer. In the winter, northern winds coming from high-latitude areas are cold and dry; in summer, southern winds from coastal areas at lower latitudes are warm and moist.[131]
Köppen-Geiger climate classification map for mainland China[132]
A major environmental issue in China is the continued expansion of its deserts, particularly the Gobi Desert.[133] Although barrier tree lines planted since the 1970s have reduced the frequency of sandstorms, prolonged drought and poor agricultural practices have resulted in dust storms plaguing northern China each spring, which then spread to other parts of East Asia, including Japan and Korea. Water quality, erosion, and pollution control have become important issues in China's relations with other countries. Melting glaciers in the Himalayas could potentially lead to water shortages for hundreds of millions of people.[134] According to academics, in order to limit climate change in China to 1.5 °C (2.7 °F) electricity generation from coal in China without carbon capture must be phased out by 2045.[135]
Official government statistics about Chinese agricultural productivity are considered unreliable, due to exaggeration of production at subsidiary government levels.[136][137] Much of China has a climate very suitable for agriculture and the country has been the world's largest producer of rice, wheat, tomatoes, eggplant, grapes, watermelon, spinach, and many other crops.[138] In 2021, 12 percent of global permanent meadows and pastures belonged to China, as well as 8% of global cropland.[139]
Biodiversity
Main article: Wildlife of China
A giant panda, one of China's most famous symbols, at the Chengdu Panda Base in Sichuan
China is one of 17 megadiverse countries,[140] lying in two of the world's major biogeographic realms: the Palearctic and the Indomalayan. By one measure, China has over 34,687 species of animals and vascular plants, making it the third-most biodiverse country in the world, after Brazil and Colombia.[141] The country is a party to the Convention on Biological Diversity;[142] its National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan was received by the convention in 2010.[143]
China is home to at least 551 species of mammals (the third-highest in the world),[144] 1,221 species of birds (eighth),[145] 424 species of reptiles (seventh)[146] and 333 species of amphibians (seventh).[147] Wildlife in China shares habitat with, and bears acute pressure from, one of the world's largest population of humans. At least 840 animal species are threatened, vulnerable or in danger of local extinction, due mainly to human activity such as habitat destruction, pollution and poaching for food, fur and traditional Chinese medicine.[148] Endangered wildlife is protected by law, and as of 2019, the country has over 2,750 nature reserves, covering a total area of 1,470,000 km2 (570,000 sq mi), 15 percent of China's total land area.[149] Most wild animals have been eliminated from the core agricultural regions of east and central China, but they have fared better in the mountainous south and west.[150][151] The Baiji was confirmed extinct on 12 December 2006.[152]
China has over 32,000 species of vascular plants,[153] and is home to a variety of forest types. Cold coniferous forests predominate in the north of the country, supporting animal species such as moose and Asian black bear, along with over 120 bird species.[154] The understory of moist conifer forests may contain thickets of bamboo. In higher montane stands of juniper and yew, the bamboo is replaced by rhododendrons. Subtropical forests, which are predominate in central and southern China, support a high density of plant species including numerous rare endemics. Tropical and seasonal rainforests, though confined to Yunnan and Hainan, contain a quarter of all the animal and plant species found in China.[154] China has over 10,000 recorded species of fungi.[155]
Environment
Main articles: Environment of China and Environmental issues in China
See also: Renewable energy in China, Water resources of China, Energy policy of China, and Climate change in China
The Three Gorges Dam is the largest hydroelectric dam in the world.
In the early 2000s, China has suffered from environmental deterioration and pollution due to its rapid pace of industrialization.[156][157] Environmental regulations fairly stringent, though they are poorly enforced, frequently disregarded in favor of rapid economic development.[158] China has the second-highest death toll because of air pollution, after India, with approximately 1 million deaths.[159][160] Although China ranks as the highest CO2 emitting country, it only emits 8 tons of CO2 per capita, significantly lower than developed countries such as the United States (16.1), Australia (16.8) and South Korea (13.6).[161] Greenhouse gas emissions by China are the world's largest.[161] 90.4% of China's national surface water was graded suitable for human consumption by the Ministry of Ecology and Environment in 2024.[162]
China has prioritized clamping down on pollution, bringing a significant decrease in air pollution in the 2010s.[163] In 2020, the Chinese government announced its aims for the country to reach its peak emissions levels before 2030, and achieve carbon neutrality by 2060 in line with the Paris Agreement, which, according to Climate Action Tracker, would lower the expected rise in global temperature by 0.2?0.3 degrees ? "the biggest single reduction ever estimated by the Climate Action Tracker".[164] According to China's government, the forest coverage of the country grew from 10% of the overall territory in 1949 to 25% in 2024.[165]
China is the world's leading investor in renewable energy and its commercialization, with $546 billion invested in 2022;[166] it the world's leading manufacturer and innovator of renewable energy technologies and invests heavily in local-scale renewable energy projects.[167][166][168] Long heavily relying on non-renewable energy sources such as coal, China's adaptation of renewable energy has increased significantly in recent years.[169] In 2024, 58.2% of China's electricity came from coal (largest producer in the world), 13.5% from hydroelectric power (largest), 9.8% from wind (largest), 8.3% from solar energy (largest), 4.4% from nuclear energy (second-largest), 3% from natural gas (fifth-largest), and 2.1% from bioenergy (largest); in total, 38% of China's energy came from clean energy sources.[170] Despite its emphasis on renewables, China remains deeply connected to global oil markets and next to India, has been the largest importer of Russian crude oil in 2022.[171][172]
Political geography
Main articles: Borders of China, Coastline of China, and Territorial changes of the People's Republic of China
Map depicting territorial disputes between the PRC and neighboring states.
China is the second-largest country by land area after Russia, and the third- or fourth-largest country by total area.[r] China's total area is generally stated as being approximately 9,600,000 km2 (3,700,000 sq mi).[173] Specific area figures range from 9,572,900 km2 (3,696,100 sq mi) according to the Encyclopædia Britannica,[12] to 9,596,961 km2 (3,705,407 sq mi) according to the UN Demographic Yearbook,[5] and The World Factbook.[4]
China has the longest combined land border in the world, measuring 22,117 km (13,743 mi) and its coastline covers approximately 14,500 km (9,000 mi) from the mouth of the Yalu River (Amnok River) to the Gulf of Tonkin.[4] China borders 14 nations and covers the bulk of East Asia, bordering Vietnam, Laos, and Myanmar in Southeast Asia; India, Bhutan, Nepal, Pakistan[s] and Afghanistan in South Asia; Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan in Central Asia; and Russia, Mongolia, and North Korea in Inner Asia and Northeast Asia. It is narrowly separated from Bangladesh and Thailand to the southwest and south, and has several maritime neighbors such as Japan, Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia.[174]
China has resolved its land borders with 12 out of 14 neighboring countries, having pursued substantial compromises in most of them.[175][176][177] China currently has a disputed land border with India[178] and Bhutan.[179] China is additionally involved in maritime disputes with multiple countries over territory in the East and South China Seas, such as the Senkaku Islands, which it refers as the Diaoyu Islands, and the entirety of South China Sea Islands.[180][181]
Government and politics
Main article: Politics of China
See also: Party and state leaders and List of current Chinese provincial leaders
The Great Hall of the People
where the National People's Congress convenes
The Zhongnanhai, headquarters of the Chinese government and Chinese Communist Party
The People's Republic of China is a communist state under the absolute leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP is officially guided by socialism with Chinese characteristics, which it describes as Marxism adapted to Chinese circumstances.[182] The Chinese constitution states that the PRC "is a socialist state governed by a people's democratic dictatorship that is led by the working class and based on an alliance of workers and peasants", and that "the defining feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party."[183]
The PRC officially characterizes itself as a democracy?more specifically, a whole-process people's democracy?that is organized around the Leninist principle of democratic centralism.[184] However, the country is commonly described as an authoritarian one-party state and a dictatorship,[185][186] with some of the world's heaviest restrictions in many civil areas, most notably against freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, free formation of social organizations, freedom of religion and freedom of the Internet.[187] China has consistently been ranked amongst the lowest as an "authoritarian regime" by the Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index, ranking at 145th out of 167 countries in 2024.[188] Other sources suggest that terming China as "authoritarian" does not sufficiently account for the multiple consultation mechanisms that exist in the Chinese governmental system.[189]
Chinese Communist Party
Main article: Chinese Communist Party
The Chinese Communist Party is the founding and governing political party of the People's Republic of China.
The CCP is the founding and sole ruling party of the PRC. According to the CCP constitution, the Party's highest body is the National Congress held every five years.[190] The National Congress elects the Central Committee, which convenes at least once a year. The Central Committee then elects the party's Politburo, Politburo Standing Committee and the general secretary (party leader), the top leadership of the country.[190] The general secretary holds ultimate power and authority over party and state and serves as the paramount leader of China.[191] The current general secretary is Xi Jinping, who took office on 15 November 2012.[192] The National Congress also elects the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the CCP's supreme disciplinary organ.[193]
The government in China is under the sole control of the CCP.[194] The CCP controls appointments in government bodies, with most senior government officials being CCP members.[194] The CCP maintains committees in the each level of government. At the local level, the CCP committee of a subdivision and its secretary outranks the local government and its head; CCP committee of a provincial division and its secretary outranks the provincial people's government and the governor while the CCP committee of a city and its secretary outranks the municipal people's government the mayor.[195]
Government
Main article: Government of China
See also: List of national leaders of the People's Republic of China
Xi Jinping
CCP General Secretary and President
Li Qiang
Premier
Zhao Leji
Congress Chairman
Wang Huning
CPPCC Chairman
The National People's Congress (NPC), with nearly 3,000-members, as the supreme organ of state power holds the unified powers of the state,[196] creating a system where all state organs including the presidency, the State Council, the State Central Military Commission, the Supreme People's Court, the Supreme People's Procuratorate, and the National Supervisory Commission are subject to its oversight through democratic centralism. However, observers often describe it as a "rubber stamp" body.[197] The NPC meets annually, while the NPC Standing Committee, around 150 members elected from NPC delegates, meets every couple of months.[197] Elections are indirect and not pluralistic, with nominations at all levels being controlled by the CCP by law.[184][198] The NPC is dominated by the CCP, with another eight minor parties having nominal representation under the condition of upholding CCP leadership.[199]
The NPC elects the president, who is the ceremonial state representative. The incumbent president is Xi Jinping, who is also the general secretary of the CCP and the chairman of the Central Military Commission, making him China's paramount leader and supreme commander of the armed forces. The premier is the head of government, with Li Qiang being the incumbent. The premier is officially nominated by the president and then elected by the NPC, and has generally been either the second- or third-ranking member of the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC). The premier presides over the State Council, China's cabinet, composed of four vice premiers, state councillors, and the heads of ministries and commissions.[183] The Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) is a political advisory body that is critical in China's "united front" system, which aims to gather non-CCP voices to support the CCP. Similar to the people's congresses, CPPCCs have subdivisions; the National Committee of the CPPCC is chaired by Wang Huning, the fourth-ranking member of the PSC.[200]
The governance of China is characterized by a high degree of political centralization but significant economic decentralization.[201]:?7? Policy instruments or processes are often tested locally before being applied more widely, resulting in a policy that involves experimentation and feedback.[202]:?14? Generally, central government leadership refrains from drafting specific policies, instead using the informal networks and site visits to affirm or suggest changes to the direction of local policy experiments or pilot programs.[203]:?71? The typical approach is that central government leadership begins drafting formal policies, law, or regulations after policy has been developed at local levels.[203]:?71?
Administrative divisions
Main articles: Administrative divisions of China, Districts of Hong Kong, and Municipalities and parishes of Macau
The PRC is constitutionally a unitary state divided into 23 provinces,[t] five autonomous regions (each with a designated minority group), four direct-administered municipalities?collectively referred to as "mainland China"?as well as the special administrative regions (SARs) of Hong Kong and Macau.[204] The PRC regards the island of Taiwan as its Taiwan Province, Kinmen and Matsu as a part of Fujian Province, and islands the ROC controls in the South China Sea as a part of Hainan Province and Guangdong Province, though all these territories are governed by the Republic of China (ROC).[205][30] Geographically, all 31 provincial divisions of mainland China can be grouped into six regions: North China, East China, Southwestern China, South Central China, Northwestern China, and Northeast China.[206]
List of administrative divisions in the PRC
Provinces (?)
Anhui (???)
Fujian (???)
Gansu (???)
Guangdong (???)
Guizhou (???)
Hainan (???)
Hebei (???)
Heilongjiang (????)
Henan (???)
Hubei (???)
Hunan (???)
Jiangsu (???)
Jiangxi (???)
Jilin (???)
Liaoning (???)
Qinghai (???)
Shaanxi (???)
Shandong (???)
Shanxi (???)
Sichuan (???)
Yunnan (???)
Zhejiang (???)
Claimed Province
Taiwan (???), governed by the Republic of China
Autonomous regions (???)
Guangxi (???????)
Inner Mongolia / Nei Menggu (??????)
Ningxia (???????)
Tibet / Xizang (?????)
Xinjiang (????????)
Municipalities (???)
Beijing (???)
Chongqing (???)
Shanghai (???)
Tianjin (???)
Special administrative regions (?????)
Hong Kong / Xianggang (???????)
Macau / Aomen (???????)
Foreign relations
Main article: Foreign relations of China
Diplomatic relations of China
The PRC has diplomatic relations with 179 United Nations member-states and maintains embassies in 174. As of 2024, China has the largest diplomatic networks of any country in the world.[207] China is of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council.[208] It is a member of intergovernmental organizations including the G20,[209] the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,[210] the BRICS,[211] the East Asia Summit,[212] and the APEC.[213] China is also a former member and leader of the Non-Aligned Movement and still considers itself an advocate for developing countries.[214] China is widely described as either a potential or established superpower,[215][216][217] due to its influence in the fields of geopolitics, technology, manufacturing, economics and culture.[218][219][220]
Much of current Chinese foreign policy is officially based on Premier Zhou Enlai's Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, as well as by the concept of "harmony without uniformity", which encourages diplomatic relations between states despite ideological differences.[221] Per its policy of non-alignment, China maintains no military alliances except its defense treaty with North Korea.[222] Most countries have switched recognition from the ROC to the PRC since the latter replaced the former in the UN in 1971.[223] The PRC officially maintains the one China principle: the view that there is only one sovereign state with the name "China"?represented by the PRC?and that Taiwan is an integral part of China. The unique status of Taiwan has led to countries formally recognizing the PRC to maintain unique "one China policies" that differ from each other; some countries explicitly recognize the PRC's claim over Taiwan, while others, including the U.S. and Japan, only acknowledge the claim.[224]
Chinese President Xi Jinping at the 16th BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia, 23 October 2024
China has a close political, economic and military relationship with Russia,[225] and the two states often vote in unison in the UN Security Council.[226][227] China has provided Russia with economic, technological, and diplomatic support during the Russo-Ukrainian war.[228][229] China's relationship with the United States is complex, and includes deep trade ties but significant political differences.[230] Since the early 2000s, China has followed a policy of engaging with African nations for trade and bilateral co-operation.[231][232][233] It maintains extensive and highly diversified trade links with the European Union, and became its largest trading partner for goods.[234] China is increasing its influence in Central Asia[235] and South Pacific.[236] The country has strong trade ties with ASEAN countries[237] and major South American economies,[238] and is the largest trading partner of Brazil, Chile, Peru, Uruguay, Argentina, and several others.[239]
In 2013, China initiated the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a large global infrastructure building initiative with funding on the order of $50?100 billion per year.[240] BRI could be one of the largest development plans in modern history.[241] It expanded significantly over the next six years and, as of April 2020, included 138 countries and 30 international organizations. In addition to intensifying foreign policy relations, the focus is particularly on building efficient transport routes, especially the maritime Silk Road with its connections to East Africa and Europe. However many loans made under the program are unsustainable and China has faced a number of calls for debt relief from debtor nations.[242][243]
Military
Main articles: Military budget of China, People's Liberation Army, and Paramilitary forces of China
Chengdu J-20 5th generation stealth fighter
The People's Liberation Army (PLA) is considered one of the world's most powerful militaries and has rapidly modernized in the recent decades.[244] Per the principle of "the Party commands the gun," the CCP maintains absolute control of the PLA.[245] It consists of four services: the Ground Force (PLAGF), the Navy (PLAN), the Air Force (PLAAF) and the Rocket Force (PLARF). It also has four independent arms: the Aerospace Force, the Cyberspace Force, the Information Support Force, and the Joint Logistics Support Force, the first three of which were split from the disbanded Strategic Support Force (PLASSF).[246] Its 2 million active duty personnel is the largest in the world. The PLA holds the world's third-largest stockpile of nuclear weapons,[247][248] and the world's second-largest navy by tonnage.[249]
China's official military budget for 2024 totalled US$229 billion (1.67 trillion Yuan), the second-largest in the world, though the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute estimates that its real expenditure that year was US$314 billion, making up 12% of global military spending and accounting for 1.7% of the country's GDP.[250] But on a Purchasing Power Parity basis, China's 2024 military budget was the equivalent of US$567 billion. The PLA is commanded by the Central Military Commission (CMC) of the party and the state; though officially two separate organizations, the two CMCs have identical membership except during leadership transition periods and effectively function as one organization. The chairman of the CMC is the commander-in-chief of the PLA, who maintains absolute control over the military per the chairman responsibility system.[251]
Sociopolitical issues and human rights
Main articles: Human rights in China and Censorship in China
The situation of human rights in China has attracted significant criticism from foreign governments, foreign press agencies, and non-governmental organizations, alleging widespread civil rights violations such as detention without trial, forced confessions, torture, restrictions of fundamental rights, and excessive use of the death penalty.[187][252] Since its inception, Freedom House has ranked China as "not free" in its Freedom in the World survey,[187] while Amnesty International has documented significant human rights abuses.[252] The Chinese constitution nevertheless states that the "fundamental rights" of citizens include freedom of speech, freedom of the press, the right to a fair trial, freedom of religion, universal suffrage, and property rights. However, in practice, these provisions do not afford significant protection against criminal prosecution by the state.[253][254][255] Although some criticisms of government policies and the ruling CCP are tolerated, censorship of political speech and information is amongst the harshest in the world and is routinely used to prevent collective action.[256] The government suppresses popular protests and demonstrations that it considers a potential threat to "social stability".[257] China additionally uses a massive surveillance network of cameras, facial recognition software, sensors, and surveillance of personal technology as a means of social control of persons living in the country.[186]
In Xinjiang, China has been accused of detaining more than one million Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in camps.
2019?20 Hong Kong protests
China is regularly accused of large-scale repression and human rights abuses in Tibet and Xinjiang,[258][259][260] where significant numbers of ethnic minorities reside, including violent police crackdowns and religious suppression.[261][262] Since 2017, the Chinese government has been engaged in a harsh crackdown in Xinjiang, with around one million Uyghurs and other ethnic and religion minorities being detained in internment camps aimed at changing the political thinking of detainees, their identities, and their religious beliefs,[263] in what some described as a genocide or crimes against humanity.[264][265][266] According to reports, political indoctrination, torture, physical and psychological abuse, forced sterilization, sexual abuse, and forced labor are common in these facilities.[267] The Chinese authorities have also cracked down on dissent in Hong Kong, especially after the passage of a national security law in 2020.[268]
In 2017 and 2020, the Pew Research Center ranked the severity of Chinese government restrictions on religion as being among the world's highest, despite ranking religious-related social hostilities in China as low in severity.[269][270] China has limited protections regarding LGBT rights.[271] The Global Slavery Index estimated that in 2016 more than 3.8 million people (0.25% of the population) were living in "conditions of modern slavery", including victims of human trafficking, forced labor, forced marriage, child labor, and state-imposed forced labor. The state-imposed re-education through labor (laojiao) system was formally abolished in 2013, but it is not clear to what extent its practices have stopped.[272] The much larger reform through labor (laogai) system includes labor prison factories, detention centers, and re-education camps; the Laogai Research Foundation has estimated in June 2008 that there were nearly 1,422 of these facilities, though it cautioned that this number was likely an underestimate.[273]
Public views of government
Further information: Politics of China § Citizen surveys
Political concerns in China include the growing gap between rich and poor and government corruption.[274] Nonetheless, international surveys show the Chinese public have a high level of satisfaction with their government.[201]:?137? These views are generally attributed to the material comforts and security available to large segments of the Chinese populace as well as the government's attentiveness and responsiveness.[201] :?136? According to the World Values Survey (2022), 91% of Chinese respondents have significant confidence in their government.[201]:?13? A Harvard University survey published in July 2020 found that citizen satisfaction with the government had increased since 2003, also rating China's government as more effective and capable than ever in the survey's history.[275] A 2020 study by University of Southern California researchers affiliated with the Hoover Institution found that more anonymous surveys show 50 to 70 percent support for the CCP, much lower than what direct surveys show at above 90 percent.[276][277][278]
Economy
Main article: Economy of China
Skyline of Lujiazui in Shanghai
China has the world's second-largest economy in terms of nominal GDP,[279] and the world's largest in terms of purchasing power parity (PPP).[280] As of 2022, China accounts for around 18% of the global economy by nominal GDP.[281] China is one of the world's fastest-growing major economies,[282] with its economic growth having been almost consistently above 5 percent since the introduction of the reform and opening up policy in 1978.[283] According to the World Bank, China's GDP grew from $150 billion in 1978 to $18.74 trillion by 2024.[284] It ranks 78th by nominal GDP per capita, making it an upper-middle income country.[285] Of the world's 500 largest companies, 135 are headquartered in China.[286]
China was one of the world's foremost economic powers throughout the arc of East Asian and global history. The country had one of the largest economies in the world for most of the past two millennia,[287] during which it has seen cycles of prosperity and decline.[51][288] Since economic reforms began in 1978, China has developed into a highly diversified economy and one of the most consequential players in international trade. China officially calls its economic system as the socialist market economy.[289] Modern-day China is often described as an example of state capitalism or party-state capitalism, with both market forces and the state playing a major role in the economy.[290][291] China has numerous state-owned enterprises; the state dominates in strategic "pillar" sectors such as infrastructure, telecommunications, finance, energy production and heavy industries.[292]:?20? The Chinese government issues five-year plans to guide the direction of the economy.[292]:?8? Private enterprise has expanded enormously, with around 57 million private businesses recorded in 2025.[293] According to official statistics, privately owned companies constitute more than 60% of China's GDP.[294]
Wealth
See also: Income inequality in China
GDP per capita in China, from 1850 to 2022
China accounted for 18.6% of the world's total wealth in 2022, second highest in the world after the U.S.[295] China brought more people out of extreme poverty than any other country in history[296][297]?between 1978 and 2018, China reduced extreme poverty by 800 million,[201]:?23? with the average standard of living multiplying by a factor of twenty-six.[298] From 1990 to 2018, the proportion of the Chinese population living with an income of less than $1.90 per day (2011 PPP) decreased from 66.3% to 0.3%, the share living with an income of less than $3.20 per day from 90.0% to 2.9%, and the share living with an income of less than $5.50 per day decreased from 98.3% to 17.0%.[299] Per capita incomes have risen significantly ? when the PRC was founded in 1949, per capita income in China was one-fifth of the world average; per capita incomes now equal the world average itself.[298]
China's development is highly uneven; its major cities and coastal areas are far more prosperous than its rural and interior regions.[300] It has a high level of economic inequality,[301] which has increased quickly since the economic reforms.[302] Income inequality decreased in the 2010s,[303] and China's Gini coefficient was 0.37 in 2023.[10] In March 2025, Forbes estimated China ranked second in the world, after the U.S., in total number of billionaires and total number of millionaires, with 516 Chinese billionaires,[304] while Hurun Global Rich List estimated it ranked first, with 1,021 billionaires.[305] China also has 6.3 million millionaires as of 2025, second highest after the U.S.[306] In 2019, China overtook the U.S. as the home to the highest number of people who have a net personal wealth of at least $110,000, according to the global wealth report by Credit Suisse.[307][308] China had 85 female billionaires as of January 2021, two-thirds of the global total.[309] China has had the world's largest middle-class population since 2015;[310] the middle-class grew to 500 million by 2024.[311]
Industry and services
China is the world's leading manufacturing power, accounting for 30% of global manufacturing.[312][313] It has been the world's largest manufacturing nation since 2010, after overtaking the U.S., which had been the largest for the previous hundred years.[314][315] China is the world's leading producer of steel and rare earths,[316] the world's leading electronics industry manufacturer,[317] and the world's dominant shipbuilding manufacturer.[318] China has the world's largest market for automobiles,[319][320] having surpassed the United States in both auto sales and production. The country is the world's largest exporter of cars by number as of 2024.[321] The Chinese automotive industry is regarded as one of the most competitive and innovative in the world.[168] China is the world's leader in electric vehicle consumption, production and innovation,[322][323] as well as the leading producer of batteries for electric vehicles.[324]
The BYD Song Plus, a compact crossover SUV manufactured by BYD Auto. China is the largest producer of motor vehicles in the world.[325]
China is the second-largest retail market after the United States.[326] China leads the world in e-commerce, accounting for over 37% of the global market share in 2021.[327] China has three out of the ten largest stock exchanges in the world[328]?Shanghai, Hong Kong and Shenzhen?that together have a market capitalization of over $15.9 trillion, as of October 2020.[329] China has three out of the world's ten most competitive financial centers according to the 2024 Global Financial Centres Index?Shanghai, Hong Kong, and Shenzhen.[330] As of at least 2024, China has the world's second-largest equity markets and futures markets, as well as the third-largest bond market.[331]:?153? China has the world's largest banking sector. Its finance sector is dominated by state-owned institutions.[332]
China in the global economy
China has been a member of the World Trade Organization since 2001 and is the world's largest trading power.[333] By 2016, China was the largest trading partner of 124 countries.[334] China became the world's largest trading nation in 2013 by the sum of imports and exports, as well as the world's largest commodity importer, accounting for roughly 45% of maritime's dry-bulk market.[335][336] China's foreign exchange reserves reached US$3.246 trillion as of March 2024, making its reserves by far the world's largest.[337] In 2022, China was amongst the world's largest recipient of inward foreign direct investment (FDI), attracting $180 billion, though most of these were speculated to be from Hong Kong.[338] China also invests abroad, with a total outward FDI of $147.9 billion in 2023.[339]
The Chinese government has promoted the internationalization of the renminbi in order to wean itself off its dependence on the U.S. dollar.[340] The renminbi is the world's fourth-most traded currency as of 2023.[341] However, partly due to capital controls that make the renminbi fall short of being a fully convertible currency, it remains far behind the Euro and the U.S. Dollar in international trade volumes.[342] The Chinese government has also been cited for failing to crack down on the manufacturing and export of counterfeit goods.[343] In 2023, Harvard University's Economic Complexity Index ranked complexity of China's exports 16th in the world, up from 24th in 2010.[344]
Tourism
Main articles: Tourism in China and List of World Heritage Sites in China
The Forbidden City is one of the most popular tourist attractions in the world
The Forbidden City is one of the most popular tourist attractions in the world.
China received 65.7 million international visitors in 2019,[345] and in 2018 was the fourth-most-visited country in the world.[345] It also experiences an enormous volume of domestic tourism; Chinese tourists made an estimated 6 billion travels within the country in 2019.[346] China hosts the world's second-largest number of World Heritage Sites (60) after Italy, and is one of the most popular tourist destinations (first in the Asia-Pacific).
Science and technology
Main articles: Science and technology in China, List of Chinese discoveries, and List of Chinese inventions
Historical
Main article: History of science and technology in China
Earliest known written formula for gunpowder, from the Wujing Zongyao of 1044 CE
China was a world leader in science and technology until the Ming dynasty.[347] Ancient and medieval Chinese discoveries and inventions, such as papermaking, printing, the compass, and gunpowder (the Four Great Inventions), became widespread across East Asia, the Middle East and later Europe. Chinese mathematicians were the first to use negative numbers.[348][349] By the 17th century, the Western World surpassed China in scientific and technological advancement.[350] The causes of this early modern Great Divergence continue to be debated by scholars.[351]
After repeated military defeats by the European colonial powers and Imperial Japan in the 19th century, Chinese reformers began promoting modern science and technology as part of the Self-Strengthening Movement. After the Communists came to power in 1949, efforts were made to organize science and technology based on the model of the Soviet Union, in which scientific research was part of central planning.[352] After Mao's death in 1976, science and technology were promoted as one of the Four Modernizations,[353] and the Soviet-inspired academic system was gradually reformed.[354]
Modern era
Since the end of the Cultural Revolution, China has made significant investments in scientific research[355] and is quickly catching up with the U.S. in R&D spending.[356][357] China officially spent around 2.7% of its GDP on R&D in 2024, totaling to around $496 billion.[358] China was ranked 10th in the Global Innovation Index in 2025,[359][360] a considerable improvement from its rank of 35th in 2013.[361][362] Chinese supercomputers are ranked among the fastest in the world.[363][u] China is the world's largest industrial robotics producer and user in the world, accounting for 51% of the world's 2024 total demand,[364] and 43% of global production.[323] Its efforts to develop the most advanced semiconductors and jet engines have seen delays and setbacks.[365][366] China is also considered a world leader in artificial intelligence.[367][368]
China is developing its education system with an emphasis on science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM).[369] Its academic publication apparatus became the world's largest publisher of scientific papers in 2016.[370][371][372] According to the World Intellectual Property Indicators, China received more applications than the U.S. did in 2018 and 2019 and ranked first globally in patents, utility models, trademarks, industrial designs, and creative goods exports in 2021.[373][374][375] In 2022, China overtook the US in the Nature Index, which measures the share of published articles in leading scientific journals.[376][377]
Space program
Main article: Chinese space program
Launch of Shenzhou 13 by a Long March 2F rocket. China is one of the only three countries with independent human spaceflight capability.
The Chinese space program started in 1958 with some technology transfers from the Soviet Union. However, it did not launch the nation's first satellite until 1970 with the Dong Fang Hong I, which made China the fifth country to do so independently.[378]
In 2003, China became the third country in the world to independently send humans into space with Yang Liwei's spaceflight aboard Shenzhou 5. As of 2023, eighteen Chinese nationals have journeyed into space, including two women. In 2011, China launched its first space station testbed, Tiangong-1.[379] In 2013, a Chinese robotic rover Yutu successfully touched down on the lunar surface as part of the Chang'e 3 mission.[380] In 2019, China became the first country to land a probe?Chang'e 4?on the far side of the Moon.[381] In 2020, Chang'e 5 successfully returned Moon samples to the Earth, making China the third country to do so independently.[382] In 2021, China became the third country to land a spacecraft on Mars and the second one to deploy a rover (Zhurong) on Mars.[383] China completed its own modular space station, the Tiangong, in low Earth orbit on 3 November 2022.[384][385][386] On 29 November 2022, China performed its first in-orbit crew handover aboard the Tiangong.[387][388]
In May 2023, China announced a plan to land humans on the Moon by 2030.[389] To that end, China has been developing a lunar-capable super-heavy launcher, the Long March 10, a new crewed spacecraft, and a crewed lunar lander.[390][391] China sent Chang'e 6 on 3 May 2024, which conducted the first lunar sample return from Apollo Basin on the far side of the Moon.[392] This is China's second lunar sample return mission, the first was achieved by Chang'e 5 from the lunar near side 4 years ago.[393] It also carried a Chinese rover called Jinchan to conduct infrared spectroscopy of lunar surface and imaged Chang'e 6 lander on lunar surface.[394]
Infrastructure
After a decades-long infrastructural boom,[395] China has produced numerous world-leading infrastructural projects: it has the largest high-speed rail network,[396] the most supertall skyscrapers,[397] the largest power plant (the Three Gorges Dam),[398] the most extensive ultra-high-voltage transmission network and innovation infrastructure,[399][400] and a global satellite navigation system with the largest number of satellites.[401]
Telecommunications
Main article: Telecommunications in China
China Mobile built a 5G station to cover summit of Mount Everest in 2020
China is the largest telecom market in the world and currently has the largest number of active cellphones of any country, with over 1.7 billion subscribers, as of February 2023. It has the largest number of internet and broadband users, with over 1.125 billion Internet users as of December 2025?equivalent to around 80.1% of its population.[402] By 2018, China had more than 1 billion 4G users, accounting for 40% of world's total.[403] As of December 2023, China had over 810 million 5G users and 3.38 million base stations installed.[404] China Mobile, China Unicom and China Telecom, are the three large providers of mobile and internet in China. Combined, the three operators had over 3.4 million 4G base-stations in China.[405] China has developed its own satellite navigation system, dubbed BeiDou, which began offering commercial navigation services across Asia in 2012[406] as well as global services by the end of 2018.[407] BeiDou followed GPS and GLONASS as the third completed global navigation satellite.[408]
Transport
Main article: Transport in China
The Huajiang Canyon Bridge is the highest bridge in the world.
A Fuxing high-speed train running near the Beijing CBD
Since the late 1990s, China's national road network has been significantly expanded through the creation of a network of national highways and expressways. In 2022, China's highways had reached a total length of 177,000 km (110,000 mi), making it the longest highway system in the world.[409] In urban areas, bicycles remain a common mode of transport, despite the increasing prevalence of automobiles ? as of 2023, there are approximately 200 million bicycles in China.[410]
China's railways, which are operated by the state-owned China Railway, are among the busiest in the world.[411] As of 2025, the country had 165,000 km (102,526 mi) of railways, the second-longest network in the world.[412] The railways strain to meet enormous demand particularly during the Chinese New Year holiday, when the world's largest annual human migration called Chunyun takes place.[413] China's high-speed rail (HSR) system started construction in the early 2000s. By the end of 2025, high speed rail in China had reached 50,400 kilometers (31,317 miles) of dedicated lines alone, making it the longest HSR network in the world.[412] Services on the Beijing?Shanghai, Beijing?Tianjin, and Chengdu?Chongqing lines reach up to 350 km/h (217 mph), making them the fastest conventional high speed railway services in the world. With an annual ridership of over 3.3 billion passengers in 2024, it is the world's busiest.[414] The network includes the Beijing?Guangzhou high-speed railway, the single longest HSR line in the world, and the Beijing?Shanghai high-speed railway, which has three of longest railroad bridges in the world.[415] The Shanghai maglev train, which reaches 431 km/h (268 mph), is the fastest commercial train service in the world.[416] Since 2000, the growth of rapid transit systems in Chinese cities has accelerated.[417] As of December 2023, 55 Chinese cities have urban mass transit systems in operation.[418] As of 2020, China boasts the five longest metro systems in the world with the networks in Shanghai, Beijing, Guangzhou, Chengdu and Shenzhen being the largest.
The civil aviation industry in China is mostly state-dominated, with the Chinese government retaining a majority stake in the majority of Chinese airlines. The top three airlines in China are Air China, China Southern Airlines, and China Eastern Airlines, which collectively made up 71% of the market in 2018, are all state-owned.[419] Air travel has expanded rapidly in the last decades, with the number of passengers increasing from 16.6 million in 1990 to 551.2 million in 2017.[420] China had approximately 259 airports in 2024.[421] China has over 2,000 river and seaports, about 130 of which are open to foreign shipping.[422] Of the fifty busiest container ports, 18 are located in China, of which the busiest is the Port of Shanghai, also the busiest port in the world.[423] The country's inland waterways are the world's sixth-longest, and total 27,700 km (17,212 mi).[424]
Water supply and sanitation
Main article: Water supply and sanitation in China
Water supply and sanitation infrastructure in China is facing challenges such as rapid urbanization, as well as water scarcity, contamination, and pollution.[425] According to the Joint Monitoring Program for Water Supply and Sanitation, 93% of rural households had access to basic sanitation in 2022 (up from 77% in 2015).[426] The ongoing South?North Water Transfer Project intends to abate water shortage in the north.[427]
Demographics
Main article: Demographics of China
Population density map of the People's Republic of China (2000)
The 2020 Chinese census recorded the population as approximately 1,411,778,724. About 17.95% were 14 years old or younger, 63.35% were between 15 and 59 years old, and 18.7% were over 60 years old.[428] Between 2010 and 2020, the average population growth rate was 0.53%.[428] Since 2022, deaths have outpaced births in the country.[429] In 2023, the total fertility rate was reported to be 1.09, ranking among the lowest in the world.[430] In 2023, National Bureau of Statistics estimated that the population fell 850,000 from 2021 to 2022, the first decline since 1961.[431] In 2025, China's population officially stood at 1.404 billion with births at 7.92 million, the lowest recorded birthrate since at least 1949.[429]
Given concerns about population growth, China implemented a two-child limit during the 1970s, and, in 1979, began to advocate for an even stricter limit of one child per family. Beginning in the mid-1980s, however, given the unpopularity of the strict limits, China began to allow some major exemptions, particularly in rural areas, resulting in what was actually a "1.5"-child policy from the mid-1980s to 2015; ethnic minorities were also exempt from one-child limits.[432] The next major loosening of the policy was enacted in December 2013, allowing families to have two children if one parent is an only child.[433] In 2016, the one-child policy was replaced in favor of a two-child policy.[434] A three-child policy was announced in May 2021, due to population aging,[434] and in July 2021, all family size limits as well as penalties for exceeding them were removed.[435]
According to one group of scholars, one-child limits had little effect on population growth or total population size.[436][437] However, these scholars have been challenged.[438] The policy, along with traditional preference for boys, may have contributed to an imbalance in the sex ratio at birth.[439][440] The 2020 census found that males accounted for 51.2% of the total population.[441] However, China's sex ratio is more balanced than it was in 1953, when males accounted for 51.8% of the population.[442] China maintains a restrictive immigration policy, with permanent residence granted to only around 12,000 foreigners as of 2023.[443]
Urbanization
Main article: Urbanization in China
See also: List of cities in China, List of cities in China by population, and Megalopolises in China
Map of the ten largest cities in China (2010)
China has urbanized significantly in recent decades. The percent of the country's population living in urban areas increased from 20% in 1980 to over 68% in 2025, according to Chinese government figures.[444][445][446] According to the United Nations, the country's urbanization rate is 83.7 percent, having peaked in absolute numbers in 2021.[447] China has over 160 cities with a population of over one million,[448] including the 18 megacities as of 2024[449][450] (cities with a population of over 10 million) of Chongqing, Shanghai, Beijing, Chengdu, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Tianjin, Xi'an, Suzhou, Zhengzhou, Wuhan, Hangzhou, Linyi, Shijiazhuang, Dongguan, Qingdao, Changsha and Hefei.[451][452] The total permanent population of Chongqing, Shanghai, Beijing and Chengdu is above 20 million.[453] Shanghai is China's most populous urban area[454][455] while Chongqing is its largest city proper, the only city in China with a permanent population of over 30 million.[1] The figures in the table below are from the 2020 census, and are only estimates of the urban populations within administrative city limits; a different ranking exists for total municipal populations. The large "floating populations" of migrant workers make conducting censuses in urban areas difficult;[456] the figures below include only long-term residents.
vte
Largest cities or municipalities in China
China Urban Construction Statistical Yearbook 2020 Urban population and urban temporary population[457][note 1][note 2]
Rank Name Province Pop. Rank Name Province Pop.
1 Shanghai SH 24,281,400 11 Hong Kong HK 7,448,900
2 Beijing BJ 19,164,000 12 Zhengzhou HA 7,179,400
3 Guangzhou GD 13,858,700 13 Nanjing JS 6,823,500
4 Shenzhen GD 13,438,800 14 Xi'an SN 6,642,100
5 Tianjin TJ 11,744,400 15 Jinan SD 6,409,600
6 Chongqing CQ 11,488,000 16 Shenyang LN 5,900,000
7 Dongguan GD 9,752,500 17 Qingdao SD 5,501,400
8 Chengdu SC 8,875,600 18 Harbin HL 5,054,500
9 Wuhan HB 8,652,900 19 Hefei AH 4,750,100
10 Hangzhou ZJ 8,109,000 20 Changchun JL 4,730,900
Population of Hong Kong as of 2018 estimate[458]
The data of Chongqing in the list is the data of "Metropolitan Developed Economic Area", which contains two parts: "City Proper" and "Metropolitan Area". The "City proper" are consist of 9 districts: Yuzhong, Dadukou, Jiangbei, Shapingba, Jiulongpo, Nan'an, Beibei, Yubei, & Banan, has the urban population of 5,646,300 as of 2018. And the "Metropolitan Area" are consist of 12 districts: Fuling, Changshou, Jiangjin, Hechuan, Yongchuan, Nanchuan, Qijiang, Dazu, Bishan, Tongliang, Tongnan, & Rongchang, has the urban population of 5,841,700.[459] Total urban population of all 26 districts of Chongqing are up to 15,076,600.
Ethnic groups
Main articles: List of ethnic groups in China, Ethnic minorities in China, and Ethnic groups in Chinese history
Ethnolinguistic map of China in 1967
China legally recognizes 56 distinct ethnic groups, who comprise the Zhonghua minzu. The largest of these nationalities are the Han Chinese, who constitute more than 91% of the total population.[428] The Han Chinese ? the world's largest single ethnic group[460] ? outnumber other ethnic groups in every place excluding Tibet, Xinjiang,[461] Linxia,[462] and autonomous prefectures like Xishuangbanna.[463] Ethnic minorities account for less than 10% of the population of China, according to the 2020 census.[428] Compared with the 2010 population census, the Han population increased by 60,378,693 persons, or 4.93%, while the population of the 55 national minorities combined increased by 11,675,179 persons, or 10.26%.[428] The 2020 census recorded a total of 845,697 foreign nationals living in mainland China.[464]
Languages
Main articles: Languages of China and List of endangered languages in China
A sign at a high school in Jianshui, Yunnan, written in Hani using the Latin alphabet, Nisu using the Yi script, and Chinese
There are as many as 284 living languages in China.[465] The languages most commonly spoken belong to the Sinitic branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family, which contains Mandarin, spoken by 80% of the population,[466][467] and other varieties of Chinese language: Jin, Wu, Min, Hakka, Yue, Xiang, Gan, Hui, Ping and unclassified Tuhua (Shaozhou Tuhua and Xiangnan Tuhua).[468] Languages of the Tibeto-Burman branch, including Tibetan, Qiang, Naxi and Yi, are spoken across the Tibetan and Yunnan?Guizhou Plateau. Other ethnic minority languages in southwestern China include Zhuang, Thai, Dong and Sui of the Tai-Kadai family, Miao and Yao of the Hmong?Mien family, and Wa of the Austroasiatic family. Across northeastern and northwestern China, local ethnic groups speak Altaic languages including Manchu, Mongolian and several Turkic languages: Uyghur, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Salar and Western Yugur.[469] Korean is spoken natively along the border with North Korea. Sarikoli, the language of Tajiks in western Xinjiang, is an Indo-European language.[470] Taiwanese indigenous peoples, including a small population on the mainland, speak Austronesian languages.[471]
Standard Chinese, a variety based on the Beijing dialect of Mandarin, is the national language of China, having de facto official status.[2] It is used as a lingua franca between people of different linguistic backgrounds.[472] In the autonomous regions of China, other languages may also serve as a lingua franca, such as Uyghur in Xinjiang, where governmental services in Uyghur are constitutionally guaranteed.[473]
Religion
Main article: Religion in China
Geographic distribution of religions in China:
[474][475][476][477]
? Chinese folk religion (including Confucianism, Taoism, and groups of Chinese Buddhism)
? Buddhism tout court
? Islam
? Ethnic minorities' indigenous religions
? Mongolian folk religion
? Northeast China folk religion influenced by Tungus and Manchu shamanism; widespread Shanrendao
Freedom of religion is guaranteed by China's constitution, although religious organizations that lack official approval can be subject to state persecution.[196] The government of the country is officially atheist, and the Chinese Communist Party requires its members to be atheist.[478] Religious affairs and issues in the country are overseen by the National Religious Affairs Administration, under the CCP's United Front Work Department.[479]
Taoist temple on top of Wudang Mountains in Hubei, China
Over the millennia, the Chinese civilization has been influenced by various religious movements. The "three doctrines" of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism have historically shaped Chinese culture,[480][481] enriching a theological and spiritual framework of traditional religion which harks back to the early Shang and Zhou dynasty. Chinese folk religion, which is framed by the three doctrines and by other traditions,[482] consists in allegiance to the shen, who can be deities of the surrounding nature or ancestral principles of human groups, concepts of civility, culture heroes, many of whom feature in Chinese mythology and history.[483] Amongst the most popular cults of folk religion are those of the Yellow Emperor, embodiment of the God of Heaven and one of the two divine patriarchs of the Chinese people,[484][485] of Mazu (goddess of the seas),[484] Guandi (god of war and business), Caishen (god of prosperity and richness), Pangu and many others. In the early decades of the 21st century, the Chinese government has been engaged in a rehabilitation of folk cults?formally recognizing them as "folk beliefs" as distinguished from doctrinal religions,[486] and often reconstructing them into forms of "highly curated" civil religion[487]?as well as in a national and international promotion of Buddhism.[488] China is home to many of the world's tallest religious statues, representing either deities of Chinese folk religion or enlightened beings of Buddhism; the tallest of all is the Spring Temple Buddha in Henan.
Taoism has served as a state religion several times throughout Chinese history.
Statistics on religious affiliation in China are difficult to gather due to complex and varying definitions of religion and the diffusive nature of Chinese religious traditions. Scholars note that in China there is no clear boundary between the three doctrines and local folk religious practices.[480] Chinese religions or some of their currents are also definable as non-theistic and humanistic, since they do not hold that divine creativity is completely transcendent, but that it is inherent in the world and in particular in the human being.[489] In 2023, according to surveys done by Pew Research, 93% of respondents were formally unaffiliated with any religion. However, in terms of practices, 75% visit family graveyards each year, 47% believe in feng shui, 33% believe in buddha, 26% burn incense to deities each year and 18% believe in taoist deities. These are not exclusive beliefs and often these will overlap as the respondents will have multiple beliefs at the same time. For example, of those 33% who believe in buddha, a significant portion also believe in figures such as Taoist immortals, Jesus Christ, Catholic God and Allah.[490] Chinese folk religion also comprises a variety of salvationist doctrinal organized movements which emerged since the Song dynasty.[491] There are also ethnic minorities in China who maintain their own indigenous religions, while major religions characteristic of specific ethnic groups include Tibetan Buddhism among Tibetans, Mongols and Yugurs,[492] and Islam among the Hui, Uyghur, Kazakh,[493] and Kyrgyz peoples, and other ethnicities in the northern and northwestern regions of the country.
Education
Main articles: Education in China and Higher education in China
Beijing's Peking University, one of the top-ranked universities in China[494][495]
Compulsory education in China comprises primary and junior secondary school, which together last for nine years from the age of 6 and 15.[496] The Gaokao, China's national university entrance exam, is a prerequisite for entrance into most higher education institutions. Vocational education is available to students at the secondary and tertiary level.[497] More than 10 million Chinese students graduated from vocational colleges every year.[498] In 2024, about 92.0 percent of students continued their education at a three-year senior secondary school, while 60.8 percent of secondary school graduates were enrolled in higher education.[499]
China has the largest education system in the world,[500] with about 287 million students and 18.85 million full-time teachers in over 470,300 schools in 2024.[499] Annual education investment went from less than US$50 billion in 2003 to more than US$817 billion in 2020.[501][502] However, there remains an inequality in education spending. In 2010, the annual education expenditure per secondary school student in Beijing totalled ¥20,023, while in Guizhou, one of the poorest provinces, it only totalled ¥3,204.[503][needs update] China's literacy rate has grown dramatically, from only 20% in 1949 and 65.5% in 1979,[504] to 97% of the population over age 15 in 2020.[505]
As of 2024, China has over 3,167 universities, with over 47.6 million students enrolled in mainland China, giving China the largest higher education system in the world.[506][507] As of 2025, China had the world's highest number of top universities.[508][509][510] As of 2025, there were 2 Chinese universities in the global top 20, 5 in the top 50, and 19 in the top 200, behind only the United States and the United Kingdom in terms of the overall representation in the Aggregate Ranking of Top Universities, a composite ranking system combining three of the world's most influential university rankings (ARWU+QS+THE).[511] China had five universities listed among the world's top 50, placing it third after the United States and the United Kingdom based on aggregate performance from four widely observed university rankings (THE+ARWU+QS+US News).[512] China is home to two of the highest-ranking universities (Tsinghua University and Peking University) in Asia and emerging economies, according to the Times Higher Education World University Rankings[513] and the Academic Ranking of World Universities.[514] These universities are members of the C9 League, an alliance of elite Chinese universities offering comprehensive and leading education.[515]
Health
Main article: Health in China
See also: Medicine in China and Pharmaceutical industry in China
Chart showing the rise of China's Human Development Index from 1970 to 2010
The National Health Commission, together with its counterparts in the local commissions, oversees the health needs of the population.[516] An emphasis on public health and preventive medicine has characterized Chinese health policy since the early 1950s. The Communist Party started the Patriotic Health Campaign, which was aimed at improving sanitation and hygiene, as well as treating and preventing several diseases. Diseases such as cholera, typhoid and scarlet fever, which were previously rife in China, were nearly eradicated by the campaign.[517]
After Deng Xiaoping began instituting economic reforms in 1978, the health of the Chinese public improved rapidly because of better nutrition, although many of the free public health services provided in the countryside disappeared. Healthcare in China became mostly privatized, and experienced a significant rise in quality. In 2009, the government began a three-year large-scale healthcare provision initiative worth US$124 billion.[518] By 2011, the campaign resulted in 95% of China's population having basic health insurance coverage.[519] By 2022, China had established itself as a key producer and exporter of pharmaceuticals, producing around 40 percent of active pharmaceutical ingredients in 2017.[520]
As of 2024, the life expectancy at birth exceeds 79 years.[521] As of 2023, the infant mortality rate is 5 per thousand.[522] Both have improved significantly since the 1950s.[v] Rates of stunting, a condition caused by malnutrition, have declined from 33.1% in 1990 to 4.5% in 2024.[525][526] Despite significant improvements in health and the construction of advanced medical facilities, China has several emerging public health problems, such as respiratory illnesses caused by widespread air pollution,[527] hundreds of millions of cigarette smokers,[528] and an increase in obesity among urban youths.[529][530] Chinese mental health services are inadequate.[531] China's large population and densely populated cities have led to serious disease outbreaks, such as SARS in 2003, although this has since been largely contained.[532] The COVID-19 pandemic was first identified in Wuhan in December 2019;[533][534] pandemic led the government to enforce strict public health measures intended to completely eradicate the virus, a goal that was abandoned in December 2022 following protests.[535][536]
Culture and society
Main articles: Chinese culture and Culture of the People's Republic of China
A moon gate in a Chinese garden
Since ancient times, Chinese culture has been heavily influenced by Confucianism. Chinese culture, in turn, has heavily influenced East Asia and Southeast Asia.[537] For much of the country's dynastic era, opportunities for social advancement could be provided by high performance in the prestigious imperial examinations, which have their origins in the Han dynasty.[538] The literary emphasis of the exams affected the general perception of cultural refinement in China, such as the belief that calligraphy, poetry and painting were higher forms of art than dancing or drama. Chinese culture has long emphasized a sense of deep history and a largely inward-looking national perspective.[539] Examinations and a culture of merit remain greatly valued in China today.[540]
Fenghuang County, an ancient town that harbors many architectural remains of Ming and Qing styles[541]
Today, the Chinese government has accepted numerous elements of traditional Chinese culture as being integral to Chinese society. With the rise of Chinese nationalism and the end of the Cultural Revolution, various forms of traditional Chinese art, literature, music, film, fashion and architecture have seen a vigorous revival,[542][543] and folk and variety art in particular have sparked interest nationally and even worldwide.[544]
Architecture
Main articles: Chinese architecture and List of World Heritage Sites in China
Chinese architecture has developed over millennia in China and has remained a vestigial source of perennial influence on the development of East Asian architecture,[545][546][547] including in Japan, Korea, and Mongolia.[548] and minor influences on the architecture of Southeast and South Asia including the countries of Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam and the Philippines.[549][550]
Chinese architecture is characterized by bilateral symmetry, use of enclosed open spaces, feng shui (e.g. directional hierarchies),[551] a horizontal emphasis, and an allusion to various cosmological, mythological or in general symbolic elements. Chinese architecture traditionally classifies structures according to type, ranging from pagodas to palaces.[552][548]
Tiananmen Square, a city square in the city center of Beijing. Tiananmen is the entrance gate of the Forbidden City.
Chinese architecture varies widely based on status or affiliation, such as whether the structures were constructed for emperors, commoners, or for religious purposes. Other variations in Chinese architecture are shown in vernacular styles associated with different geographic regions and different ethnic heritages, such as the stilt houses in the south, the Yaodong buildings in the northwest, the yurt buildings of nomadic people, and the Siheyuan buildings in the north.[553]
Literature
Main article: Chinese literature
The stories in Journey to the West are common themes in Peking opera.
Chinese literature has its roots in the Zhou dynasty's literary tradition.[554] The classical texts of China encompass a wide range of thoughts and subjects, such as the calendar, military, astrology, herbology, and geography, as well as many others.[555] Among the most significant early works are the I Ching and the Shujing, which are part of the Four Books and Five Classics. These texts were the cornerstone of the Confucian curriculum sponsored by the state throughout the dynastic periods. Inherited from the Classic of Poetry, classical Chinese poetry developed to its floruit during the Tang dynasty. Li Bai and Du Fu opened the forking ways for the poetic circles through romanticism and realism respectively. Chinese historiography began with the Shiji, the overall scope of the historiographical tradition in China is termed the Twenty-Four Histories, which set a vast stage for Chinese fictions along with Chinese mythology and folklore.[556] Pushed by a burgeoning citizen class in the Ming dynasty, Chinese classical fiction rose to a boom of the historical, town and gods and demons fictions as represented by the Four Great Classical Novels which include Water Margin, Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Journey to the West and Dream of the Red Chamber.[557] Along with the wuxia fictions of Jin Yong and Liang Yusheng,[558] it remains an enduring source of popular culture in the Chinese sphere of influence.[559]
In the wake of the New Culture Movement after the end of the Qing dynasty, Chinese literature embarked on a new era with written vernacular Chinese for ordinary citizens. Hu Shih and Lu Xun were pioneers in modern literature.[560] Various literary genres, such as misty poetry, scar literature, young adult fiction and the xungen literature, which is influenced by magic realism,[561] emerged following the Cultural Revolution. Mo Yan, a xungen literature author, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 2012.[562]
Music
Main articles: Music of China, C-pop, and Chinese opera
Chinese music covers a highly diverse range of music from traditional music to modern music. Chinese music dates back before the pre-imperial times. Traditional Chinese musical instruments were traditionally grouped into eight categories known as bayin (??). Traditional Chinese opera is a form of musical theatre in China originating thousands of years and has regional style forms such as Beijing and Cantonese opera.[563] Chinese pop (C-Pop) includes mandopop and cantopop. Chinese hip hop and Hong Kong hip hop have become popular.[564]
Fashion
Main articles: Chinese clothing and Hanfu
Young women wearing Hanfu at the Qufu Normal University, Shandong
Hanfu is the historical clothing of the Han people in China. The qipao or cheongsam is a popular Chinese female dress.[565] The hanfu movement has been popular in contemporary times and seeks to revitalize Hanfu clothing.[566] China Fashion Week is the country's only national-level fashion festival.[567]
Media
Main articles: Mass media in China and Cinema of China
The mass media of China primarily consists of television, newspapers, radio, and magazines. State media outlets operate under the control of the CCP. The largest media organizations are the People's Daily, Xinhua News Agency, and the China Media Group consisting of China Central Television, China Global Television Network, China National Radio and China Radio International.[568] Access to foreign media remains heavily restricted.[569]
Cinema was first introduced to China in 1896 and the first Chinese film, Dingjun Mountain, was released in 1905.[570] China has had the largest number of movie screens in the world since 2016;[571] China became the largest cinema market in 2020,[572][573] and domestic movies dominate the market.[574] The top three highest-grossing films in China as of 2025 were Ne Zha 2 (2025), The Battle at Lake Changjin (2021), and Wolf Warrior 2 (2017).[575] In 2025, the video game market of China was the world's largest by revenue.[576]
China has the most comprehensive and sophisticated Internet censorship regime in the world called the Great Firewall, with numerous websites being blocked.[577] The Great Firewall has allowed China to develop its own major internet services and companies, such as Tencent, Alibaba, Baidu, Douyin, Xiaohongshu, Bilibili and Weibo.[578]:?8? The Cyberspace Administration of China acts as the national internet regulator and censor.[579] China requires a real-name system for Internet services and online platforms.[580]
Cuisine
Main article: Chinese cuisine
Map showing major regional cuisines of China
Chinese cuisine is highly diverse, drawing on several millennia of culinary history and geographical variety, in which the most influential are known as the "Eight Major Cuisines", including Sichuan, Cantonese, Jiangsu, Shandong, Fujian, Hunan, Anhui, and Zhejiang cuisines.[581] Chinese cuisine is known for its breadth of cooking methods and ingredients.[582] China's staple food is rice in the northeast and south, and wheat-based breads and noodles in the north. Bean products such as tofu and soy milk remain a popular source of protein. Pork is now the most popular meat in China, accounting for about 60% of the country's total meat consumption.[583] Pork-free Chinese Islamic cuisine is served at halal-certified restaurants in various regions[584] while vegetarian Buddhist cuisine is commonly found at restaurants near shrines and temples.[585][586]
Sports
Main articles: Sport in China, China at the Olympics, and China at the Paralympics
Go is an abstract strategy board game for two players, in which the aim is to surround more territory than the opponent, and which was invented in China more than 2,500 years ago.
China has one of the oldest sporting cultures. There is evidence that archery (shèjiàn) was practiced during the Western Zhou dynasty. Swordplay (jiànshù) and cuju, a sport loosely related to association football[587] date back to China's early dynasties as well.[588]
Physical fitness is widely emphasized in Chinese culture, with morning exercises such as qigong and tai chi widely practiced,[589] and commercial gyms and private fitness clubs are gaining popularity.[590] Basketball is the most popular spectator sport in China.[591] The Chinese Basketball Association and the American National Basketball Association also have a huge national following amongst the Chinese populace, with native-born and NBA-bound Chinese players and well-known national household names such as Yao Ming and Yi Jianlian being held in high esteem.[592] China's professional football league, known as Chinese Super League, is the largest football market in East Asia.[593] Other popular sports include martial arts, table tennis, badminton, swimming and snooker. China is home to a huge number of cyclists, with an estimated 470 million bicycles as of 2012.[594] China has the world's largest esports market.[595] Many more traditional sports, such as dragon boat racing, Mongolian-style wrestling[596][597] and horse racing are also popular.
China has participated in the Olympic Games since 1932, although it has only participated as the PRC since 1952. China hosted the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, where its athletes received 48 gold medals ? the highest number of any participating nation that year.[598] China also won the most medals at the 2012 Summer Paralympics, with 231 overall, including 95 gold.[599][600] In 2011, Shenzhen hosted the 2011 Summer Universiade. China hosted the 2013 East Asian Games in Tianjin and the 2014 Summer Youth Olympics in Nanjing, the first country to host both regular and Youth Olympics. Beijing and its nearby city Zhangjiakou collaboratively hosted the 2022 Winter Olympics, making Beijing the first dual Olympic city by holding both the Summer Olympics and the Winter Olympics.[601][602] China hosted the Asian Games in 1990 (Beijing), 2010 (Guangzhou), and 2023 (Hangzhou).[603]