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Colonial
British
Copper
Halfpenny
1792 Halfpenny SWANSEA
Warwickshire - Birmingham / Mining and
Copper Co.
This token is part of the late 18th-century
Conder token series, privately issued during a shortage of
small change in Britain. Industrial firms like the
Birmingham Mining and Copper Company produced them to
support everyday trade and pay workers. It reflects the
growing industrial economy centered on Birmingham, Redruth,
and Swansea, key hubs in mining and copper production during
the Industrial Revolution.
The imagery reinforces key themes of the
Industrial Revolution:
Fasces → unity and organized labor
Cornucopia → economic growth and abundance
Stork → vigilance and prosperity



This coin is accompanied by a Certificate of
Authenticity!

Size: 29 mm, Weight: 13 grams,
Copper
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Obverse: |
Female an allegory of
Industry or Britannia—holds a fasces (a
bundle of rods symbolizing strength through
unity and authority) seated on large rock
facing right
BIRMINGHAM MINING AND
COPPER COMPANY 1792 |
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Reverse: |
Stork standing on cornucopia (horn
of plenty), symbolizing prosperity, vigilance, and
abundance. The legend reads:
Lettering: HALFPENNY PAYABLE
AT |
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Edge: |
BIRMINGHAM REDRUTH & SWANSEA |
BRITISH TRADE
TOKENS
By 1786,
two-thirds of the coins in circulation in Britain
were counterfeit, and the Royal Mint responded by
shutting itself down, worsening the situation. Few
of the silver coins being passed were genuine. Even
the copper coins were melted down and replaced with
lightweight fakes. The Royal Mint struck no copper
coins for 48 years, from 1773 until 1821. The
resultant gap was filled with copper tokens that
approximated the size of the halfpenny, struck on
behalf of merchants. Boulton struck millions of
these merchant pieces. On the rare occasions when
the Royal Mint did strike coins, they were
relatively crude, with quality control nonexistent.
Boulton had turned his attention to coinage in the
mid 1780s; they were just another small metal
product like those he manufactured. He also had
shares in several Cornish copper mines, and had a
large personal stock of copper, purchased when the
mines were unable to dispose of it
elsewhere. However, when orders for counterfeit
money were sent to him, he refused them: "I will do
anything, short of being a common informer against
particular persons, to stop the malpractices of the
Birmingham coiners." In 1788 he established the Soho
Mint as part of his industrial plant. The mint
included eight steam-driven presses, each striking
between 70 and 84 coins per minute. The firm had
little immediate success getting a license to strike
British coins, but was soon engaged in striking
coins for the British East India Company for use in
India.
The coin crisis in Britain continued. In a letter to
the Master of the Mint, Lord Hawkesbury (whose
son would become Prime Minister as Earl of
Liverpool) on 14 April 1789, Boulton wrote:
In the course of my journeys, I observe that I
receive upon an average two-thirds counterfeit
halfpence for change at toll-gates, etc. and I
believe the evil is daily increasing, as the
spurious money is carried into circulation by the
lowest class of manufacturers, who pay with it the
principal part of the wages of the poor people they
employ. They purchase from the subterraneous coiners
36 shillings'-worth of copper (in nominal value) for
20 shillings, so that the profit derived from the
cheating is very large.
Boulton offered to strike new coins at a cost "not
exceeding half the expense which the common copper
coin hath always cost at his Majesty's Mint". He
wrote to his friend, Sir Joseph Banks, describing
the advantages of his coinage presses:
It will coin much faster, with greater ease, with
fewer persons, for less expense, and more beautiful
than any other machinery ever used for coining ...
Can lay the pieces or blanks upon the die quite true
and without care or practice and as fast as wanted.
Can work night and day without fatigue by two setts
of boys. The machine keeps an account of the number
of pieces struck which cannot be altered from the
truth by any of the persons employed. The apparatus
strikes an inscription upon the edge with the same
blow that strikes the two faces. It strikes the
[back]ground of the pieces brighter than any other
coining press can do. It strikes the pieces
perfectly round, all of equal diameter, and exactly
concentric with the edge, which cannot be done by
any other machinery now in use.
Boulton spent much time in London lobbying for a
contract to strike British coins, but in June 1790
the Pitt Government postponed a decision on
recoinage indefinitely. Meanwhile, the Soho Mint
struck coins for the East India Company, Sierra
Leone and Russia, while producing
high-quality planchets, or blank coins, to be struck
by national mints elsewhere. The firm sent over 20
million blanks to Philadelphia, to be struck
into cents and half-cents by the United States Mint
Director Elias Boudinot found them to be "perfect
and beautifully polished". The high-technology Soho
Mint gained increasing and somewhat unwelcome
attention: rivals attempted industrial espionage,
while lobbying for Boulton's mint to be shut down.
History of British Coinage in Colonial North America
Throughout the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, British
coinage formed the monetary backbone of North
America’s colonial economy. Pounds, shillings, and
pence circulated alongside Spanish silver dollars,
Dutch coins, and locally struck tokens—clear
evidence of a persistent shortage of official
British currency.
Spanish pieces of eight and the Dutch Lion Dollar
became the colonies’ preferred standards of trade,
while Irish-minted halfpennies issued under British
rule saw wide daily use. In response to the scarcity
of sterling coin, colonial governments produced
paper notes and base-metal tokens loosely tied to
British denominations, creating a complex patchwork
of regional exchange systems.
Even after independence, British coins continued to
pass through American hands, their familiar imagery
reminding a new nation of its imperial past and the
global networks that.
Regal British Copper Coinage:
Introduction
Regal British Coppers in the Colonies
During
the first decades of the English colonization of
North America the settlers needed to obtain their
own small change. As we have seen there was some use
of British patent farthings and trade tokens
especially in the middle colonies of New York,
Pennsylvania and down to Virginia. Massachusetts
banned the use of tiny patent farthings in 1635 in
favor of musket balls, which probably meant these
coins were rather rare in New England after that
date. During much of the seventeenth century is
seems wampum and commodities served as the primary
substitutes for coppers. In 1681 St. Patrick coppers
were brought to brought to New Jersey and in 1688
Holt was unsuccessful with his American Plantations
Token made of tin.
The only small change coins to gain general
acceptance throughout the colonies were British
coppers. Although British silver and gold coins were
not allowed to be exported to the colonies, there
was no restriction on the export of coppers. It has
been estimated some £69,000 in farthings and
halfpence were exported to the American colonies
from 1695 to 1795.
It seems some regal
English halfpence began to appear in America soon
after minting began in 1672. It is sometimes thought
the earliest known supply of regal coppers to arrive
in America was £300 of halfpence and farthings
mentioned in The Loyal Impartial Mercury newspaper
article of October 2-6, 1682, that was brought to
Philadelphia by a group of Quakers. As discussed in
the English trade token section it seems more
probable these coins were demonitized trade tokens.
However, the article did mention that British
halfpence and farthings traded for twice their value
in America. This indeed was the case in Philadelphia
and New York, and knowledge of this fact in England
may have induced settlers and travellers to take a
quantity of these coins with them when the sailed
for the colonies.
However, the first significant influx of coppers
seems to have occurred during the years of the
extensive copper production of William III, that is
1695-1701. On June 21, 1698 a group of fifty three
Philadelphia merchants sent a petition to the
General Assembly complaining about lead and pewter
halfpence and farthings then in circulation which
customers were trying to pass off for double their
value. The petition requested that, "...all such
farthings & halfpence that are made of Lead & pewter
may be wholly suppresed & Cryed Down and only those
of Copper which are the Kings Coyn may pass the
farthings for two a penny the half pence for a
penny." This seems to indicate a period of
transition when regal coppers were becoming
available but had not yet fully replaced less
valuable lead and pewter tokens previously in use.
Apparently by 1698 the merchants felt the quantity
of regal coppers available was large enough so that
the troublesome lead and pewter coins could be
suppressed.
Also, some early copper halfpence have been uncoverd
at American colonial sites. Among the coins found in
Philadelphia in 1975 during the construction of
Interstate 95 were two 1694 William and Mary copper
halfpence, two William III 1700 halfpence and an
early 1681 Charles II copper Irish halfpenny.
Additionally, several William III halfpence have
been uncovered in the Hannah town and Fort Ligonier,
Pennsylvania area excavations. Several New York
City, Philadelphia and Boston newspaper articles
from the 1750's mention regal William III halfpence
had been in circulation for decades (these are
articles on the influx of counterfeit halfpence; for
specific quotes see the British counterfeit coppers
introduction).
From around the
start of the Eighteenth century through the 1740's
it appears quantities of regal British halfpence and
farthings (as well as some regal Irish issues) came
to the colonies. Besides the coins mentioned above,
the Philadelphia Highway find also contained regal
British halfpence dated: 1719, 1722, 1723, 1724,
1730, 1731, 1734, 1737, 1738, 1746, 1750, 1771, 1772
and 1775 as well as Irish halfpence of: 1723 (Wood's
Hibernia), 1737, 1750, 1752, 1776, 1781 and an
example from 1804. That this single location shows
such an extensive mix of dates of regal coppers, is
further evidence of their continual importation. For
a full listing of British coppers uncovered in the
Philadelphia find.
Although regal
coppers were arriving in the colonies there was
still an insufficient quantity of small change.
Taking advantage of this situation in 1722-1724
William Wood attempted to introduce his lightweight
Rosa Americana pieces in the colonies. Although
there was a need for small change, the colonists
rejected these lightweight products. Massachusetts
resorted to printing pence notes on parchment rather
than using the despised Rosa coins. English regal
coppers were the preferred small change coins and
their importation continued.
The first recorded
large scale shipments of British coppers date to
1734 and 1735, when the colony of Georgia was being
established. An agreement was made between the
trustees of the colony and the king to ship tons of
halfpence and farthings to the colony where they
would circulate at face value.
As British coppers entered the colonial economy in
larger quantites during 1730's-1750's a problem
arose over their value, since they usually traded at
a premium, higher than face value. This sometimes
caused a problem as is seen in the following two
episodes from New York and Philadelphia.
On December 16, 1737 New York
passed an act stating:
Whereas for some years past great quantities
of English copper halfpence and farthings
have been from time to time imported into
this colony which have been and are paid and
received in the Markets and other payments
by Common consent of the People at a higher
rate that their Insrinsik Value and
Whereas by the Conveniency of such copper
money passing in Small payments the
Importation of the Same is still
continued...
The act went on to state the importation of more
than ten shillings in coppers into the colony was
subject to confiscation.
The problem was not with the
coppers but with their valuation. Since coinage was
at a premium in the colonies most coins were
accepted above their face value. British and Irish
coppers were no exception. In New York English
halfpence were accepted at twice their face value,
so twelve British halfpence equaled a New York
shilling of account. As New York valued the Spanish
dollar at eight shillings, one could obtain a
Spanish dollar for 96 British halfpence. Whereas in
Boston, it took eighteen British halfpence to equal
a Massachusetts shilling and, as they value the
Spanish dollar at six shillings, a Spanish dollar
cost 108 British halfpence. In Philadelphia there
appear to have been various rates at this time, one
rate was fifteen British halfpence to the
Pennsylvania shilling. As Pennsylvania valued the
Spanish dollar at 7s6d (90d), a Spanish dollar could
be obtained for 112.5 British halfpence in
Philadelphia if someone was using the fifteen
halfpence rate (another lower rate that came into
general use in Philadelphia during the Confederation
era was 14 British halfpence to the shilling or 105
halfpence to the Spanish dollar). Clearly it was
advantageous to bring coppers to New York and
exchange them for Spanish dollars. Bostonians
obtained a 12.5% profit and some Philadelphians
could reap a 17% profit. New York first handled this
situation by limiting copper imports from other
colonies. However, they still accepted casks of
coins brought over from England.
In Philadelphia the problem of
copper valuation led to a demonstration on January
2, 1741. Some merchants were accepting British
halfpence at the New York rate of double (100%)
their value, so that one halfpenny equalled one
Pennsylvania penny. Other merchants were trading
them at only 60% over face value, so that five
halfpence equalled four Pennsylvania pence. The
situation was so confusing and disruptive that on
January 2nd the city bakers refused to open their
shops causing a minor crisis. This event forced the
city and the merchants to work together to end this
problem. The result was an edict by the mayor of
Philadelphia on June 18, 1741 stating:
Whereas the Currency of English Half-pence in
this Province, has long been found convenient
for the Use of Inhabitants, for small Change;
but the Value or Rate at which they should pass
not having been settled by any Authority, they
have often received at too high a Value, by
Reason whereof great Quantities of Half-pence
were imported from the Neighboring Colonies, and
exchanged for our Gold and Silver,
And whereas at a late General Meeting of the
Merchants and others, it was agreed that the
said Half-pence should be received at Fifteen
for One Shilling, current Money of this
Province, which was judged to be the nearest to
such Value as might discourage too great a
Quantity being imported, and at the same Time
prevent their being carried away.
[it is declared]...any Person or Persons who
shall refuse to receive English Half-pence in
small Payments, at the Rate of Fifteen English
Half-pence for One Shilling, ought to be deemed
a Disturber of the Publick Peace of the
Province.
The rate of fifteen British halfpence to the
Pennsylvania shilling (or 60% over face value)
became the standard for the entire colony and was
also adopted by New Jersey.
Valuation had not been a major
problem in Massachusetts. Their rate of exchange had
been sufficiently high so that they needed more
coppers. Indeed, as is discussed in our colonial
currency site, at the time they were flooded with
paper currency rather than hard coin. Their needs
were finally addressed in 1749 when the largest
shipment of British coppers to be sent to the
colonies arrived in Boston on the ship The
Mermaid. The British parliament sent
Massachusetts Bay almost twenty-one long tons of
Spanish silver coins (653,000 troy ounces in 217
chests) as well as ten long tons of English coppers
(in one hundred casks), in order to reimburse the
Colony for the assistance it provided to the
Lewisburg expedition on Cape Breton Island, Nova
Scotia, during the French and Indian War. According
to the Massachusetts Currency Reform Act of January
26, 1749 the total reimbersment was equivalent to
£183,649 2s7 and 1/2d in British sterling. The
coppers included over 800,000 halfpence and more
than 420,000 farthings all dated 1749; approximately
thirty percent of the entire mintage for the year.
Although the shipment had long
been expected the space the coins took up was more
than the colonists had anticipated. The ship arrived
in Boston harbor on Monday September 18, 1749 and
the commander of the Mermaid Captain
Montague along with one of the colonies London
agents, William Bollan, who had accompanied the
shipment from England, went to the Governor's Board
to inform them they could take possession of the
funds. However, the shipment was so large there was
no place to secure the coins! The records of the
General Court states the situation unfolded as
follows:
Voted, that Ezekiel Lewis & Samuel Danforth,
Esquires go with Mr. Treasure Foye to his House
in King's Street, & see if there be any
convenient Place for Lodging the publick Money
there, & treat with the Tenant about her Removal
in Order to the Treasurer & his familys removing
thither.
Mr. Lewis reported thereupon that the Committee
had viewed the House (which they found well
accommodated for receiving the said Money) &
discoursed with the Tenant, who could by no
Means be persuaded to remove out of it.
Voted thereupon, That a brick Arch be built in
the Cellar of the House where the Treasurer now
dwells for the Reception of the Province Money
from on board his Majesty's Ship Mermaid as soon
as may be, & that Samuel Danforth & Andrwe
Oliver Esquire assist the Treasurer in the said
Affair. (Crosby, p. 227; King's Street is
now known as State Street)
By the 1750's and 1760's the
valuation problem was being resolved as each colony
learned to regulate copper values based on regional
standards. However, another potentially more serious
problem arose. During the 1740's larger quantities
of counterfeit halfpence started appearing in
Britain and soon these coins found their way to the
colonies. In 1753 in New York an examination of a
bag of coppers arriving from England showed out of a
total of 2,880 halfpence there were 864 cast
counterfeits. Due to the influx of counterfeits New
York merchants lowered the rate at which they would
accept halfpence from twelve to fourteen to the New
York shilling. This led the New York Assembly to
pass an act on December 12, 1753 against the
importation or passing of counterfeit halfpence and
farthings. They imposed a £100 fine for importing
counterfeit coins while for knowingly passing
counterfeit coppers one was fined ten times the
amount of the coppers passed. Also, as the merchants
were already accepting British coppers at a lower
rate, in January the city of New York officially
lowered the value of the halfpenny to fourteen to
the New York shilling.
The Maryland Gazette of
February 28, 1754 stated both genuine and
counterfeit English halfpence were circulating in
the colony and that those coins were overvalued by
25% in relation to Maryland paper currency. At the
time copper halfpence were trading at a rate of
eighteen to the Maryland shilling. Maryland's
financial position was rather peculiar in that the
colony invested in shares of the Bank of England and
used these sterling based shares to back their
currency. Thus, while they could legislate 18d in
Maryland paper currency equalled 1s sterling, the
fact was, that 18 British copper halfpence equalled
only 9d sterling (this was 25% less than the paper
currency!). When using British coins they could not
legislate a sterling value above the British value.
The Gazette article
recommended using the Pennsylvania rate of 15
halfpence to the shilling (which would make the
overvaluation even worse) but at the same time they
proposed devaluing counterfeit halfpence to a rate
of 48 per Maryland shilling (that would be four
counterfeit halfpence per pence or 72 per shilling
sterling). Apparently the author thought the lower
valuation of the counterfeits would make up for the
overvaluation of the genuine coppers. This proposal
never went forward. However it does show the
problems individuals were facing over valuation and
the influx of counterfeits.
There are very few references to
farthings in the colonies from the period after mid
century. Quite possibly this was because by 1760 the
majority of coppers sent over from Britain were
counterfeit and it was much more profitable for
counterfeiters to make halfpence than it was to
produce farthings. As a large quantity of regal
farthings had been sent to Massachusetts in 1749,
the coin seems to have circulated in New England
until at least 1765. Eric Newman has uncovered five
different broadsides or pamphlets stating the value
of coppers in New England during the period
1750-1765. The most complete was printed by William
Goddard in Providence, Rhode Island on January 1,
1764. His list, which includes the use of farthings,
converts British halfpence into colonial shillings
of account (called Lawful Money) as follows:
|
British
Halfpence |
Lawful Money |
|
18 |
12d |
|
15 |
10d |
|
12 |
8d |
|
9 |
6d |
|
6 |
4d |
|
3 |
2d |
|
1 1/2 |
1d |
|
The 1 and 1/2 halfpence refers to
a farthing and a halfpenny or three farthings. In a
broadside of August 1, 1765 printed by Daniel and
Robert Fowle in Portsmouth, New Hampshire it
specifically states "3 English Farthings" traded at
1d Lawful Money. This shows farthings were still
encountered (at least in New England) after mid
century.
[Note on the chart: The British
column is in the number of halfpence while the
Lawful Money column is in local pence, thus 6
British halfpence (which equals 3d sterling) is
equivalent to 4d (8 halfpence) in Lawful Money of
the colony. Lawful Money is the term used for the
legal exchange rate between British sterling and the
colony's money of account based on the rate
established in Queen Anne's Proclamation of 1704, in
which colonial money of account could not drop below
one third of British sterling.]
In the later colonial era British
halfpence were quite common, but most were
counterfeit. Although there was concern, this did
not stop the use of the coins. Indeed in December of
1768 North Carolina passed an act encouraging the
importation of British halfpence, which were to pass
at twelve per shilling, but the act was repealed by
the king. These British coppers, both regal and
counterfeit, continued to be used even after the
revolution. On March 5, 1787, the New York State
legislature produced a report discussing the
principle coppers then in circulation. The report
stated the investigation committee:
...find that there are various
sorts of copper coins circulating in this State,
the principal whereof are,
First. A few genuine British
half-pence of George the Second, and some of an
earlier date, the impressions of which are
generally defaced.
Secondly. A number of Irish
half-pence, with a bust on one side and a harp
on the other.
From this and related reports it
has been suggested that all George III halfpence in
America were counterfeit. Although most were
counterfeit it seems a few regal George III coppers
did circulate in America. Until recently most coin
inventories listed the dates but not the weights of
the coins, so determining regal from counterfeit
examples not always possible based on the published
data. However in the recent excavations of Fort
Ligioner and the surrounding area in western
Pennsylvania full weight George III halfpence have
been uncovered. For further details on this and on
counterfeits see the sections on Counterfeit British
Coppers and the American Imitation British
Halfpence.
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