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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article is about the law enforcement body. For other uses, see Police (disambiguation).
"Policing" and "Department of Police" redirect here. For the journal, see Policing (journal). For other uses, see Department of Police (disambiguation).
German State Police officer in Hamburg, with the rank of Polizeihauptmeister mit Zulage ("police chief master with upgraded pay")
The police are a constituted body of persons empowered by a state with the aim of enforcing the law and protecting the public order as well as the public itself.[1] This commonly includes ensuring the safety, health, and possessions of citizens, and to prevent crime and civil disorder.[2][3] Their lawful powers encompass arrest and the use of force legitimized by the state via the monopoly on violence. The term is most commonly associated with the police forces of a sovereign state that are authorized to exercise the police power of that state within a defined legal or territorial area of responsibility. Police forces are often defined as being separate from the military and other organizations involved in the defense of the state against foreign aggressors; however, gendarmerie are military units charged with civil policing.[4] Police forces are usually public sector services, funded through taxes.
Law enforcement is only part of policing activity.[5] Policing has included an array of activities in different situations, but the predominant ones are concerned with the preservation of order.[6] In some societies, in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, these developed within the context of maintaining the class system and the protection of private property.[7] Police forces have become ubiquitous and a necessity in complex modern societies. However, their role can sometimes be controversial, as they may be involved to varying degrees in corruption, brutality, and the enforcement of authoritarian rule.
A police force may also be referred to as a police department, police service, constabulary, gendarmerie, crime prevention, protective services, law enforcement agency, civil guard, or civic guard. Members may be referred to as police officers, troopers, sheriffs, constables, rangers, peace officers or civic/civil guards. Ireland differs from other English-speaking countries by using the Irish language terms Garda (singular) and Gardaí (plural), for both the national police force and its members. The word police is the most universal and similar terms can be seen in many non-English speaking countries.[8]
Numerous slang terms exist for the police. Many slang terms for police officers are decades or centuries old with lost etymologies. One of the oldest, cop, has largely lost its slang connotations and become a common colloquial term used both by the public and police officers to refer to their profession.[9]
Etymology
First attested in English in the early 15th century, originally in a range of senses encompassing '(public) policy; state; public order', the word police comes from Middle French police ('public order, administration, government'),[10] in turn from Latin politia,[11] which is the romanization of the Ancient Greek πολιτεία (politeia) 'citizenship, administration, civil polity'.[12] This is derived from πόλις (polis) 'city'.[13]
History
See also: History of criminal justice
Ancient
China
Law enforcement in ancient China was carried out by "prefects" for thousands of years since it developed in both the Chu and Jin kingdoms of the Spring and Autumn period. In Jin, dozens of prefects were spread across the state, each having limited authority and employment period. They were appointed by local magistrates, who reported to higher authorities such as governors, who in turn were appointed by the emperor, and they oversaw the civil administration of their "prefecture", or jurisdiction. Under each prefect were "subprefects" who helped collectively with law enforcement in the area. Some prefects were responsible for handling investigations, much like modern police detectives. Prefects could also be women.[14] Local citizens could report minor judicial offenses against them such as robberies at a local prefectural office. The concept of the "prefecture system" spread to other cultures such as Korea and Japan.
Babylonia
In Babylonia, law enforcement tasks were initially entrusted to individuals with military backgrounds or imperial magnates during the Old Babylonian period, but eventually, law enforcement was delegated to officers known as paqūdus, who were present in both cities and rural settlements. A paqūdu was responsible for investigating petty crimes and carrying out arrests.[15][16]
Egypt
In ancient Egypt evidence of law enforcement exists as far back as the Old Kingdom period. There are records of an office known as "Judge Commandant of the Police" dating to the fourth dynasty.[17] During the fifth dynasty at the end of the Old Kingdom period, warriors armed with wooden sticks were tasked with guarding public places such as markets, temples, and parks, and apprehending criminals. They are known to have made use of trained monkeys, baboons, and dogs in guard duties and catching criminals. After the Old Kingdom collapsed, ushering in the First Intermediate Period, it is thought that the same model applied. During this period, Bedouins were hired to guard the borders and protect trade caravans. During the Middle Kingdom period, a professional police force was created with a specific focus on enforcing the law, as opposed to the previous informal arrangement of using warriors as police. The police force was further reformed during the New Kingdom period. Police officers served as interrogators, prosecutors, and court bailiffs, and were responsible for administering punishments handed down by judges. In addition, there were special units of police officers trained as priests who were responsible for guarding temples and tombs and preventing inappropriate behavior at festivals or improper observation of religious rites during services. Other police units were tasked with guarding caravans, guarding border crossings, protecting royal necropolises, guarding slaves at work or during transport, patrolling the Nile River, and guarding administrative buildings. By the Eighteenth Dynasty of the New Kingdom period, an elite desert-ranger police force called the Medjay was used to protect valuable areas, especially areas of pharaonic interest like capital cities, royal cemeteries, and the borders of Egypt. Though they are best known for their protection of the royal palaces and tombs in Thebes and the surrounding areas, the Medjay were used throughout Upper and Lower Egypt. Each regional unit had its own captain. The police forces of ancient Egypt did not guard rural communities, which often took care of their own judicial problems by appealing to village elders, but many of them had a constable to enforce state laws.[18][19]
Greece
In ancient Greece, publicly owned slaves were used by magistrates as police. In Athens, the Scythian Archers (the ῥαβδοῦχοι 'rod-bearers'), a group of about 300 Scythian slaves, was used to guard public meetings to keep order and for crowd control, and also assisted with dealing with criminals, handling prisoners, and making arrests. Other duties associated with modern policing, such as investigating crimes, were left to the citizens themselves.[20] Athenian police forces were supervised by the Areopagus. In Sparta, the Ephors were in charge of maintaining public order as judges, and they used Sparta's Hippeis, a 300-member Royal guard of honor, as their enforcers. There were separate authorities supervising women, children, and agricultural issues. Sparta also had a secret police force called the crypteia to watch the large population of helots, or slaves.[21][22]
Rome
In the Roman Empire, the army played a major role in providing security. Roman soldiers detached from their legions and posted among civilians carried out law enforcement tasks.[23] The Praetorian Guard, an elite army unit which was primarily an Imperial bodyguard and intelligence-gathering unit, could also act as a riot police force if required. Local watchmen were hired by cities to provide some extra security. Lictors, civil servants whose primary duty was to act as bodyguards to magistrates who held imperium, could carry out arrests and inflict punishments at their magistrate's command. Magistrates such as tresviri capitales, procurators fiscal and quaestors investigated crimes. There was no concept of public prosecution, so victims of crime or their families had to organize and manage the prosecution themselves. Under the reign of Augustus, when the capital had grown to almost one million inhabitants, 14 wards were created; the wards were protected by seven squads of 1,000 men called vigiles, who acted as night watchmen and firemen. In addition to firefighting, their duties included apprehending petty criminals, capturing runaway slaves, guarding the baths at night, and stopping disturbances of the peace. As well as the city of Rome, vigiles were also stationed in the harbor cities of Ostia and Portus. Augustus also formed the Urban Cohorts to deal with gangs and civil disturbances in the city of Rome, and as a counterbalance to the Praetorian Guard's enormous power in the city. They were led by the urban prefect. Urban Cohort units were later formed in Roman Carthage and Lugdunum.
India
Law enforcement systems existed in the various kingdoms and empires of ancient India. The Apastamba Dharmasutra prescribes that kings should appoint officers and subordinates in the towns and villages to protect their subjects from crime. Various inscriptions and literature from ancient India suggest that a variety of roles existed for law enforcement officials such as those of a constable, thief catcher, watchman, and detective.[24] In ancient India up to medieval and early modern times, kotwals were in charge of local law enforcement.[25]
Achaemenid (First Persian) Empire
The Achaemenid Empire had well-organized police forces. A police force existed in every place of importance. In the cities, each ward was under the command of a Superintendent of Police, known as a Kuipan. Police officers also acted as prosecutors and carried out punishments imposed by the courts. They were required to know the court procedure for prosecuting cases and advancing accusations.[26]
Israel
In ancient Israel and Judah, officials with the responsibility of making declarations to the people, guarding the king's person, supervising public works, and executing the orders of the courts existed in the urban areas. They are repeatedly mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, and this system lasted into the period of Roman rule. The first century Jewish historian Josephus related that every judge had two such officers under his command. Levites were preferred for this role. Cities and towns also had night watchmen. Besides officers of the town, there were officers for every tribe. The temple in Jerusalem had special temple police to guard it. The Talmud mentions various local police officials in the Jewish communities of the Land of Israel and Babylon who supervised economic activity. Their Greek-sounding titles suggest that the roles were introduced under Hellenic influence. Most of these officials received their authority from local courts and their salaries were drawn from the town treasury. The Talmud also mentions city watchmen and mounted and armed watchmen in the suburbs.[27]
Africa
In many regions of pre-colonial Africa, particularly West and Central Africa, guild-like secret societies emerged as law enforcement. In the absence of a court system or written legal code, they carried out police-like activities, employing varying degrees of coercion to enforce conformity and deter antisocial behavior.[28] In ancient Ethiopia, armed retainers of the nobility enforced law in the countryside according to the will of their leaders. The Songhai Empire had officials known as assara-munidios, or "enforcers", acting as police.[29]
The Americas
Pre-Columbian civilizations in the Americas also had organized law enforcement. The city-states of the Maya civilization had constables known as tupils.[30] In the Aztec Empire, judges had officers serving under them who were empowered to perform arrests, even of dignitaries.[31] In the Inca Empire, officials called curaca enforced the law among the households they were assigned to oversee, with inspectors known as tokoyrikoq (lit. 'he who sees all') also stationed throughout the provinces to keep order.[32][33]
Post-classical
The Santas Hermandades of medieval Spain were formed to protect pilgrims on the Camino de Santiago.
In medieval Spain, Santas Hermandades, or 'holy brotherhoods', peacekeeping associations of armed individuals, were a characteristic of municipal life, especially in Castile. As medieval Spanish kings often could not offer adequate protection, protective municipal leagues began to emerge in the twelfth century against banditry and other rural criminals, and against the lawless nobility or to support one or another claimant to a crown.
These organizations were intended to be temporary, but became a long-standing fixture of Spain. The first recorded case of the formation of an hermandad occurred when the towns and the peasantry of the north united to police the pilgrim road to Santiago de Compostela in Galicia, and protect the pilgrims against robber knights.
Throughout the Middle Ages such alliances were frequently formed by combinations of towns to protect the roads connecting them, and were occasionally extended to political purposes. Among the most powerful was the league of North Castilian and Basque ports, the Hermandad de las marismas: Toledo, Talavera, and Villarreal.
As one of their first acts after end of the War of the Castilian Succession in 1479, Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile established the centrally-organized and efficient Holy Brotherhood as a national police force. They adapted an existing brotherhood to the purpose of a general police acting under officials appointed by themselves, and endowed with great powers of summary jurisdiction even in capital cases. The original brotherhoods continued to serve as modest local police-units until their final suppression in 1835.
The Vehmic courts of Germany provided some policing in the absence of strong state institutions. Such courts had a chairman who presided over a session and lay judges who passed judgement and carried out law enforcement tasks. Among the responsibilities that lay judges had were giving formal warnings to known troublemakers, issuing warrants, and carrying out executions.
In the medieval Islamic Caliphates, police were known as Shurta. Bodies termed Shurta existed perhaps as early as the Caliphate of Uthman. The Shurta is known to have existed in the Abbasid and Umayyad Caliphates. Their primary roles were to act as police and internal security forces but they could also be used for other duties such as customs and tax enforcement, rubbish collection, and acting as bodyguards for governors. From the 10th century, the importance of the Shurta declined as the army assumed internal security tasks while cities became more autonomous and handled their own policing needs locally, such as by hiring watchmen. In addition, officials called muhtasibs were responsible for supervising bazaars and economic activity in general in the medieval Islamic world.
In France during the Middle Ages, there were two Great Officers of the Crown of France with police responsibilities: The Marshal of France and the Grand Constable of France. The military policing responsibilities of the Marshal of France were delegated to the Marshal's provost, whose force was known as the Marshalcy because its authority ultimately derived from the Marshal. The marshalcy dates back to the Hundred Years' War, and some historians trace it back to the early 12th century. Another organisation, the Constabulary (Old French: Connétablie), was under the command of the Constable of France. The constabulary was regularised as a military body in 1337. Under Francis I (reigned 1515–1547), the Maréchaussée was merged with the constabulary. The resulting force was also known as the Maréchaussée, or, formally, the Constabulary and Marshalcy of France.
In late medieval Italian cities, police forces were known as berovierri. Individually, their members were known as birri. Subordinate to the city's podestà, the berovierri were responsible for guarding the cities and their suburbs, patrolling, and the pursuit and arrest of criminals. They were typically hired on short-term contracts, usually six months. Detailed records from medieval Bologna show that birri had a chain of command, with constables and sergeants managing lower-ranking birri, that they wore uniforms, that they were housed together with other employees of the podestà together with a number of servants including cooks and stable-keepers, that their parentage and places of origin were meticulously recorded, and that most were not native to Bologna, with many coming from outside Italy.[34][35]
The English system of maintaining public order since the Norman conquest was a private system of tithings known as the mutual pledge system. This system was introduced under Alfred the Great. Communities were divided into groups of ten families called tithings, each of which was overseen by a chief tithingman. Every household head was responsible for the good behavior of his own family and the good behavior of other members of his tithing. Every male aged 12 and over was required to participate in a tithing. Members of tithings were responsible for raising "hue and cry" upon witnessing or learning of a crime, and the men of his tithing were responsible for capturing the criminal. The person the tithing captured would then be brought before the chief tithingman, who would determine guilt or innocence and punishment. All members of the criminal's tithing would be responsible for paying the fine. A group of ten tithings was known as a "hundred" and every hundred was overseen by an official known as a reeve. Hundreds ensured that if a criminal escaped to a neighboring village, he could be captured and returned to his village. If a criminal was not apprehended, then the entire hundred could be fined. The hundreds were governed by administrative divisions known as shires, the rough equivalent of a modern county, which were overseen by an official known as a shire-reeve, from which the term sheriff evolved. The shire-reeve had the power of posse comitatus, meaning he could gather the men of his shire to pursue a criminal.[36] Following the Norman conquest of England in 1066, the tithing system was tightened with the frankpledge system. By the end of the 13th century, the office of constable developed. Constables had the same responsibilities as chief tithingmen and additionally as royal officers. The constable was elected by his parish every year. Eventually, constables became the first 'police' official to be tax-supported. In urban areas, watchmen were tasked with keeping order and enforcing nighttime curfew. Watchmen guarded the town gates at night, patrolled the streets, arrested those on the streets at night without good reason, and also acted as firefighters. Eventually the office of justice of the peace was established, with a justice of the peace overseeing constables.[37][38] There was also a system of investigative "juries".
The Assize of Arms of 1252, which required the appointment of constables to summon men to arms, quell breaches of the peace, and to deliver offenders to the sheriff or reeve, is cited as one of the earliest antecedents of the English police.[39] The Statute of Winchester of 1285 is also cited as the primary legislation regulating the policing of the country between the Norman Conquest and the Metropolitan Police Act 1829.[39][40]
From about 1500, private watchmen were funded by private individuals and organisations to carry out police functions. They were later nicknamed 'Charlies', probably after the reigning monarch King Charles II. Thief-takers were also rewarded for catching thieves and returning the stolen property. They were private individuals usually hired by crime victims.
The earliest English use of the word police seems to have been the term Polles mentioned in the book The Second Part of the Institutes of the Lawes of England published in 1642.[41]
Early modern
The first example of a statutory police force in the world was probably the High Constables of Edinburgh, formed in 1611 to police the streets of Edinburgh, then part of the Kingdom of Scotland. The constables, of whom half were merchants and half were craftsmen, were charged with enforcing 16 regulations relating to curfews, weapons, and theft.[42] At that time, maintenance of public order in Scotland was mainly done by clan chiefs and feudal lords. The first centrally organised and uniformed police force was created by the government of King Louis XIV in 1667 to police the city of Paris, then the largest city in Europe. The royal edict, registered by the Parlement of Paris on March 15, 1667, created the office of lieutenant général de police ("lieutenant general of police"), who was to be the head of the new Paris police force, and defined the task of the police as "ensuring the peace and quiet of the public and of private individuals, purging the city of what may cause disturbances, procuring abundance, and having each and everyone live according to their station and their duties".
Gabriel Nicolas de la Reynie, founder of the Prefecture of Police, the first uniformed police force in the world
This office was first held by Gabriel Nicolas de la Reynie, who had 44 commissaires de police ('police commissioners') under his authority. In 1709, these commissioners were assisted by inspecteurs de police ('police inspectors'). The city of Paris was divided into 16 districts policed by the commissaires, each assigned to a particular district and assisted by a growing bureaucracy. The scheme of the Paris police force was extended to the rest of France by a royal edict of October 1699, resulting in the creation of lieutenants general of police in all large French cities and towns.
After the French Revolution, Napoléon I reorganized the police in Paris and other cities with more than 5,000 inhabitants on February 17, 1800, as the Prefecture of Police. On March 12, 1829, a government decree created the first uniformed police in France, known as sergents de ville ('city sergeants'), which the Paris Prefecture of Police's website claims were the first uniformed policemen in the world.[43]
In feudal Japan, samurai warriors were charged with enforcing the law among commoners. Some Samurai acted as magistrates called Machi-bugyō, who acted as judges, prosecutors, and as chief of police. Beneath them were other Samurai serving as yoriki, or assistant magistrates, who conducted criminal investigations, and beneath them were Samurai serving as dōshin, who were responsible for patrolling the streets, keeping the peace, and making arrests when necessary. The yoriki were responsible for managing the dōshin. Yoriki and dōshin were typically drawn from low-ranking samurai families. Assisting the dōshin were the komono, non-Samurai chōnin who went on patrol with them and provided assistance, the okappiki, non-Samurai from the lowest outcast class, often former criminals, who worked for them as informers and spies, and gōyokiki or meakashi, chōnin, often former criminals, who were hired by local residents and merchants to work as police assistants in a particular neighborhood. This system typically did not apply to the Samurai themselves. Samurai clans were expected to resolve disputes among each other through negotiation, or when that failed through duels. Only rarely did Samurai bring their disputes to a magistrate or answer to police.[44][45][46]
In Joseon-era Korea, the Podocheong emerged as a police force with the power to arrest and punish criminals. Established in 1469 as a temporary organization, its role solidified into a permanent one.
In Sweden, local governments were responsible for law and order by way of a royal decree issued by Magnus III in the 13th century. The cities financed and organized groups of watchmen who patrolled the streets. In the late 1500s in Stockholm, patrol duties were in large part taken over by a special corps of salaried city guards. The city guard was organized, uniformed and armed like a military unit and was responsible for interventions against various crimes and the arrest of suspected criminals. These guards were assisted by the military, fire patrolmen, and a civilian unit that did not wear a uniform, but instead wore a small badge around the neck. The civilian unit monitored compliance with city ordinances relating to e.g. sanitation issues, traffic and taxes. In rural areas, the King's bailiffs were responsible for law and order until the establishment of counties in the 1630s.[47][48]
Up to the early 18th century, the level of state involvement in law enforcement in Britain was low. Although some law enforcement officials existed in the form of constables and watchmen, there was no organized police force. A professional police force like the one already present in France would have been ill-suited to Britain, which saw examples such as the French one as a threat to the people's liberty and balanced constitution in favor of an arbitrary and tyrannical government. Law enforcement was mostly up to the private citizens, who had the right and duty to prosecute crimes in which they were involved or in which they were not. At the cry of 'murder!' or 'stop thief!' everyone was entitled and obliged to join the pursuit. Once the criminal had been apprehended, the parish constables and night watchmen, who were the only public figures provided by the state and who were typically part-time and local, would make the arrest.[49] As a result, the state set a reward to encourage citizens to arrest and prosecute offenders. The first of such rewards was established in 1692 of the amount of £40 for the conviction of a highwayman and in the following years it was extended to burglars, coiners and other forms of offense. The reward was to be increased in 1720 when, after the end of the War of the Spanish Succession and the consequent rise of criminal offenses, the government offered £100 for the conviction of a highwayman. Although the offer of such a reward was conceived as an incentive for the victims of an offense to proceed to the prosecution and to bring criminals to justice, the efforts of the government also increased the number of private thief-takers. Thief-takers became infamously known not so much for what they were supposed to do, catching real criminals and prosecuting them, as for "setting themselves up as intermediaries between victims and their attackers, extracting payments for the return of stolen goods and using the threat of prosecution to keep offenders in thrall". Some of them, such as Jonathan Wild, became infamous at the time for staging robberies in order to receive the reward.[50][51]
In 1737, George II began paying some London and Middlesex watchmen with tax monies, beginning the shift to government control. In 1749, Judge Henry Fielding began organizing a force of quasi-professional constables known as the Bow Street Runners. The Bow Street Runners are considered to have been Britain's first dedicated police force. They represented a formalization and regularization of existing policing methods, similar to the unofficial 'thief-takers'. What made them different was their formal attachment to the Bow Street magistrates' office, and payment by the magistrate with funds from the central government. They worked out of Fielding's office and court at No. 4 Bow Street, and did not patrol but served writs and arrested offenders on the authority of the magistrates, travelling nationwide to apprehend criminals. Fielding wanted to regulate and legalize law enforcement activities due to the high rate of corruption and mistaken or malicious arrests seen with the system that depended mainly on private citizens and state rewards for law enforcement. Henry Fielding's work was carried on by his brother, Justice John Fielding, who succeeded him as magistrate in the Bow Street office. Under John Fielding, the institution of the Bow Street Runners gained more and more recognition from the government, although the force was only funded intermittently in the years that followed. In 1763, the Bow Street Horse Patrol was established to combat highway robbery, funded by a government grant. The Bow Street Runners served as the guiding principle for the way that policing developed over the next 80 years. Bow Street was a manifestation of the move towards increasing professionalisation and state control of street life, beginning in London.
The Macdaniel affair, a 1754 British political scandal in which a group of thief-takers was found to be falsely prosecuting innocent men in order to collect reward money from bounties,[52] added further impetus for a publicly salaried police force that did not depend on rewards. Nonetheless, In 1828, there were privately financed police units in no fewer than 45 parishes within a 10-mile radius of London.
The word police was borrowed from French into the English language in the 18th century, but for a long time it applied only to French and continental European police forces. The word, and the concept of police itself, were "disliked as a symbol of foreign oppression".[53] Before the 19th century, the first use of the word police recorded in government documents in the United Kingdom was the appointment of Commissioners of Police for Scotland in 1714 and the creation of the Marine Police in 1798.
Modern
Scotland and Ireland
Following early police forces established in 1779 and 1788 in Glasgow, Scotland, the Glasgow authorities successfully petitioned the government to pass the Glasgow Police Act establishing the City of Glasgow Police in 1800.[54] Other Scottish towns soon followed suit and set up their own police forces through acts of parliament.[55] In Ireland, the Irish Constabulary Act 1822 marked the beginning of the Royal Irish Constabulary. The act established a force in each barony with chief constables and inspectors general under the control of the civil administration at Dublin Castle. By 1841 this force numbered over 8,600 men.
London
Patrick Colquhoun, founder of the Thames River Police
In 1797, Patrick Colquhoun was able to persuade the West Indies merchants who operated at the Pool of London on the River Thames to establish a police force at the docks to prevent rampant theft that was causing annual estimated losses of £500,000 worth of cargo in imports alone.[56] The idea of a police, as it then existed in France, was considered as a potentially undesirable foreign import. In building the case for the police in the face of England's firm anti-police sentiment, Colquhoun framed the political rationale on economic indicators to show that a police dedicated to crime prevention was "perfectly congenial to the principle of the British constitution". Moreover, he went so far as to praise the French system, which had reached "the greatest degree of perfection" in his estimation.[57]
Poster against "detested" Police posted in the town of Aberystwyth, Wales, April 1850
With the initial investment of £4,200, the new force the Marine Police began with about 50 men charged with policing 33,000 workers in the river trades, of whom Colquhoun claimed 11,000 were known criminals and "on the game". The force was part funded by the London Society of West India Planters and Merchants. The force was a success after its first year, and his men had "established their worth by saving £122,000 worth of cargo and by the rescuing of several lives". Word of this success spread quickly, and the government passed the Depredations on the Thames Act 1800 on 28 July 1800, establishing a fully funded police force the Thames River Police together with new laws including police powers; now the oldest police force in the world. Colquhoun published a book on the experiment, The Commerce and Policing of the River Thames. It found receptive audiences far outside London, and inspired similar forces in other cities, notably, New York City, Dublin, and Sydney.[56]
Colquhoun's utilitarian approach to the problem – using a cost-benefit argument to obtain support from businesses standing to benefit – allowed him to achieve what Henry and John Fielding failed for their Bow Street detectives. Unlike the stipendiary system at Bow Street, the river police were full-time, salaried officers prohibited from taking private fees.[58] His other contribution was the concept of preventive policing; his police were to act as a highly visible deterrent to crime by their permanent presence on the Thames.[57]
Metropolitan
An officer of the Metropolitan Police Service in the 1850s
London was fast reaching a size unprecedented in world history, due to the onset of the Industrial Revolution.[59] It became clear that the locally maintained system of volunteer constables and "watchmen" was ineffective, both in detecting and preventing crime. A parliamentary committee was appointed to investigate the system of policing in London. Upon Sir Robert Peel being appointed as Home Secretary in 1822, he established a second and more effective committee, and acted upon its findings.
Royal assent to the Metropolitan Police Act 1829 was given[60] and the Metropolitan Police Service was established on September 29, 1829, in London.[61][62] Peel, widely regarded as the father of modern policing,[63] was heavily influenced by the social and legal philosophy of Jeremy Bentham, who called for a strong and centralised, but politically neutral, police force for the maintenance of social order, for the protection of people from crime and to act as a visible deterrent to urban crime and disorder.[64] Peel decided to standardise the police force as an official paid profession, to organise it in a civilian fashion, and to make it answerable to the public.[65]
Group portrait of policemen, Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk, England, c. 1900
Due to public fears concerning the deployment of the military in domestic matters, Peel organised the force along civilian lines, rather than paramilitary. To appear neutral, the uniform was deliberately manufactured in blue, rather than red which was then a military colour, along with the officers being armed only with a wooden truncheon and a rattle[66] to signal the need for assistance. Along with this, police ranks did not include military titles, with the exception of Sergeant.
To distance the new police force from the initial public view of it as a new tool of government repression, Peel publicised the so-called Peelian principles, which set down basic guidelines for ethical policing:[67][68]
Whether the police are effective is not measured on the number of arrests but on the deterrence of crime.
Above all else, an effective authority figure knows trust and accountability are paramount. Hence, Peel's most often quoted principle that "The police are the public and the public are the police."
Metropolitan Police officers in 2019. The custodian helmet has been called "an iconic symbol of British policing".[69]
The Metropolitan Police Act 1829 created a modern police force by limiting the purview of the force and its powers and envisioning it as merely an organ of the judicial system. Their job was apolitical; to maintain the peace and apprehend criminals for the courts to process according to the law.[70] This was very different from the "continental model" of the police force that had been developed in France, where the police force worked within the parameters of the absolutist state as an extension of the authority of the monarch and functioned as part of the governing state.
In 1863, the Metropolitan Police were issued with the distinctive custodian helmet, and in 1884 they switched to the use of whistles that could be heard from much further away.[71][72] The Metropolitan Police became a model for the police forces in many countries, including the United States and most of the British Empire.[73][74] Bobbies can still be found in many parts of the Commonwealth of Nations.
Australia
Main article: Law enforcement in Australia
South Australia Police officers on police motorcycles with sidecars in 1938
In Australia, organized law enforcement emerged soon after British colonization began in 1788. The first law enforcement organizations were the Night Watch and Row Boat Guard, which were formed in 1789 to police Sydney. Their ranks were drawn from well-behaved convicts deported to Australia. The Night Watch was replaced by the Sydney Foot Police in 1790. In New South Wales, rural law enforcement officials were appointed by local justices of the peace during the early to mid-19th century and were referred to as "bench police" or "benchers". A mounted police force was formed in 1825.[75]
The first police force having centralised command as well as jurisdiction over an entire colony was the South Australia Police, formed in 1838 under Henry Inman. However, whilst the New South Wales Police Force was established in 1862, it was made up from a large number of policing and military units operating within the then Colony of New South Wales and traces its links back to the Royal Marines. The passing of the Police Regulation Act of 1862 essentially tightly regulated and centralised all of the police forces operating throughout the Colony of New South Wales.
Each Australian state and territory maintain its own police force, while the Australian Federal Police enforces laws at the federal level. The New South Wales Police Force remains the largest police force in Australia in terms of personnel and physical resources. It is also the only police force that requires its recruits to undertake university studies at the recruit level and has the recruit pay for their own education.
Brazil
Main article: Law enforcement in Brazil
A Federal Highway Police motorcycle officer in 1935
In 1566, the first police investigator of Rio de Janeiro was recruited. By the 17th century, most captaincies already had local units with law enforcement functions. On July 9, 1775, a Cavalry Regiment was created in the state of Minas Gerais for maintaining law and order. In 1808, the Portuguese royal family relocated to Brazil, because of the French invasion of Portugal. King João VI established the Intendência Geral de Polícia ('General Police Intendancy') for investigations. He also created a Royal Police Guard for Rio de Janeiro in 1809. In 1831, after independence, each province started organizing its local "military police", with order maintenance tasks. The Federal Railroad Police was created in 1852, Federal Highway Police, was established in 1928, and Federal Police in 1967.
Canada
Main article: Law enforcement in Canada
Royal Canadian Mounted Police officers present at a meeting between Ronald Reagan, Nancy Reagan, and Pierre Trudeau, 1981
During the early days of English and French colonization, municipalities hired watchmen and constables to provide security.[76] Established in 1729, the Royal Newfoundland Constabulary (RNC) was the first policing service founded in Canada. The establishment of modern policing services in the Canadas occurred during the 1830s, modelling their services after the London Metropolitan Police, and adopting the ideas of the Peelian principles.[76] The Toronto Police Service was established in 1834 as the first municipal police service in Canada. Prior to that, local able-bodied male citizens had been required to report for night watch duty as special constables for a fixed number of nights a year on penalty of a fine or imprisonment in a system known as "watch and ward."[77] The Quebec City Police Service was established in 1840.[76]
A national police service, the Dominion Police, was founded in 1868. Initially the Dominion Police provided security for parliament, but its responsibilities quickly grew. In 1870, Rupert's Land and the North-Western Territory were incorporated into the country. In an effort to police its newly acquired territory, the Canadian government established the North-West Mounted Police in 1873 (renamed Royal North-West Mounted Police in 1904).[76] In 1920, the Dominion Police, and the Royal Northwest Mounted Police were amalgamated into the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP).[76]
The RCMP provides federal law enforcement; and law enforcement in eight provinces, and all three territories. The provinces of Ontario, and Quebec maintain their own provincial police forces, the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP), and the Sûreté du Québec (SQ). Policing in Newfoundland and Labrador is provided by the RCMP, and the RNC. The aforementioned services also provide municipal policing, although larger Canadian municipalities may establish their own police service.
Lebanon
In Lebanon, the current police force was established in 1861, with creation of the Gendarmerie.[78]
India
Greater Chennai Police officers patrolling in a police car in Chennai, India
Under the Mughal Empire, provincial governors called subahdars (or nazims), as well as officials known as faujdars and thanadars were tasked with keeping law and order. Kotwals were responsible for public order in urban areas. In addition, officials called amils, whose primary duties were tax collection, occasionally dealt with rebels. The system evolved under growing British influence that eventually culminated in the establishment of the British Raj. In 1770, the offices of faujdar and amil were abolished. They were brought back in 1774 by Warren Hastings, the first Governor of the Presidency of Fort William (Bengal). In 1791, the first permanent police force was established by Charles Cornwallis, the Commander-in-Chief of British India and Governor of the Presidency of Fort William.[79]
A single police force was established after the formation of the British Raj with the Government of India Act 1858. A uniform police bureaucracy was formed under the Police Act 1861, which established the Superior Police Services. This later evolved into the Indian Imperial Police, which kept order until the Partition of India and independence in 1947. In 1948, the Indian Imperial Police was replaced by the Indian Police Service.
In modern India, the police are under the control of respective States and union territories and are known to be under State Police Services (SPS). The candidates selected for the SPS are usually posted as Deputy Superintendent of Police or Assistant Commissioner of Police once their probationary period ends. On prescribed satisfactory service in the SPS, the officers are nominated to the Indian Police Service.[80] The service color is usually dark blue and red, while the uniform color is Khaki.[81]
United States
Main article: Law enforcement in the United States
A Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia officer ticketing a motorist for a traffic violation, 1973
In Colonial America, the county sheriff was the most important law enforcement official. For instance, the New York Sheriff's Office was founded in 1626, and the Albany County Sheriff's Department in the 1660s. The county sheriff, who was an elected official, was responsible for enforcing laws, collecting taxes, supervising elections, and handling the legal business of the county government. Sheriffs would investigate crimes and make arrests after citizens filed complaints or provided information about a crime but did not carry out patrols or otherwise take preventive action. Villages and cities typically hired constables and marshals, who were empowered to make arrests and serve warrants. Many municipalities also formed a night watch, a group of citizen volunteers who would patrol the streets at night looking for crime and fires. Typically, constables and marshals were the main law enforcement officials available during the day while the night watch would serve during the night. Eventually, municipalities formed day watch groups. Rioting was handled by local militias.[82][83]
In the 1700s, the Province of Carolina (later North- and South Carolina) established slave patrols in order to prevent slave rebellions and enslaved people from escaping.[84][85] By 1785 the Charleston Guard and Watch had "a distinct chain of command, uniforms, sole responsibility for policing, salary, authorized use of force, and a focus on preventing crime."[86]
In 1789 the United States Marshals Service was established, followed by other federal services such as the U.S. Parks Police (1791)[87] and U.S. Mint Police (1792).[88] In 1751 moves towards a municipal police service in Philadelphia were made when the city's night watchmen and constables began receiving wages and a Board of Wardens was created to oversee the night watch.[89][90] Municipal police services were createed in Richmond, Virginia in 1807,[91] Boston in 1838,[92] and New York City in 1845.[93] The United States Secret Service was founded in 1865 and was for some time the main investigative body for the federal government.[94]
Members of the FBI–NYPD Joint Terrorism Task Force carrying evidence as part of an investigation in the early 2000s
Modern policing influenced by the British model of policing established in 1829 based on the Peelian principles began emerging in the United States in the mid-19th century, replacing previous law enforcement systems based primarily on night watch organizations.[95] Cities began establishing organized, publicly funded, full-time professional police services. In Boston, a day police consisting of six officers under the command of the city marshal was established in 1838 to supplement the city's night watch. This paved the way for the establishment of the Boston Police Department in 1854.[96][97] In New York City, law enforcement up to the 1840s was handled by a night watch as well as 100 city marshals, 51 municipal police officers, and 31 constables. In 1845, the New York City Police Department was established.[98] In Philadelphia, the first police officers to patrol the city in daytime were employed in 1833 as a supplement to the night watch system, leading to the establishment of the Philadelphia Police Department in 1854.[99]
In the American Old West, law enforcement was carried out by local sheriffs, rangers, constables, and federal marshals. There were also town marshals responsible for serving civil and criminal warrants, maintaining the jails, and carrying out arrests for petty crime.[100][101]
In addition to federal, state, and local forces, some special districts have been formed to provide extra police protection in designated areas. These districts may be known as neighborhood improvement districts, crime prevention districts, or security districts.[102]
In 2022, San Francisco supervisors approved a policy allowing municipal police (San Francisco Police Department) to use robots for various law enforcement and emergency operations, permitting their employment as a deadly force option in cases where the "risk of life to members of the public or officers is imminent and outweighs any other force option available to SFPD."[103] This policy has been criticized by groups such as the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the ACLU, who have argued that "killer robots will not make San Francisco better" and "police might even bring armed robots to a protest."[104][105]
Development of theory
Michel Foucault wrote that the contemporary concept of police as a paid and funded functionary of the state was developed by German and French legal scholars and practitioners in public administration and statistics in the 17th and early 18th centuries, most notably with Nicolas Delamare's Traité de la Police ("Treatise on the Police"), first published in 1705. The German Polizeiwissenschaft (Science of Police) first theorized by Philipp von Hörnigk, a 17th-century Austrian political economist and civil servant, and much more famously by Johann Heinrich Gottlob Justi, who produced an important theoretical work known as Cameral science on the formulation of police.[106] Foucault cites Magdalene Humpert author of Bibliographie der Kameralwissenschaften (1937) in which the author makes note of a substantial bibliography was produced of over 4,000 pieces of the practice of Polizeiwissenschaft. However, this may be a mistranslation of Foucault's own work since the actual source of Magdalene Humpert states over 14,000 items were produced from the 16th century dates ranging from 1520 to 1850.[107][108]
As conceptualized by the Polizeiwissenschaft, according to Foucault the police had an administrative, economic and social duty ("procuring abundance"). It was in charge of demographic concerns[vague] and needed to be incorporated within the western political philosophy system of raison d'état and therefore giving the superficial appearance of empowering the population (and unwittingly supervising the population), which, according to mercantilist theory, was to be the main strength of the state. Thus, its functions largely overreached simple law enforcement activities and included public health concerns, urban planning (which was important because of the miasma theory of disease; thus, cemeteries were moved out of town, etc.), and surveillance of prices.[109]
Jeremy Bentham, philosopher who advocated for the establishment of preventive police forces and influenced the reforms of Sir Robert Peel
The concept of preventive policing, or policing to deter crime from taking place, gained influence in the late 18th century. Police Magistrate John Fielding, head of the Bow Street Runners, argued that "...it is much better to prevent even one man from being a rogue than apprehending and bringing forty to justice."[110]
The Utilitarian philosopher, Jeremy Bentham, promoted the views of Italian Marquis Cesare Beccaria, and disseminated a translated version of "Essay on Crime in Punishment". Bentham espoused the guiding principle of "the greatest good for the greatest number":
It is better to prevent crimes than to punish them. This is the chief aim of every good system of legislation, which is the art of leading men to the greatest possible happiness or to the least possible misery, according to calculation of all the goods and evils of life.[110]
Patrick Colquhoun's influential work, A Treatise on the Police of the Metropolis (1797) was heavily influenced by Benthamite thought. Colquhoun's Thames River Police was founded on these principles, and in contrast to the Bow Street Runners, acted as a deterrent by their continual presence on the riverfront, in addition to being able to intervene if they spotted a crime in progress.[111]
Edwin Chadwick's 1829 article, "Preventive police" in the London Review,[112] argued that prevention ought to be the primary concern of a police body, which was not the case in practice. The reason, argued Chadwick, was that "A preventive police would act more immediately by placing difficulties in obtaining the objects of temptation." In contrast to a deterrent of punishment, a preventive police force would deter criminality by making crime cost-ineffective – "crime doesn't pay". In the second draft of his 1829 Police Act, the "object" of the new Metropolitan Police, was changed by Robert Peel to the "principal object," which was the "prevention of crime."[113] Later historians would attribute the perception of England's "appearance of orderliness and love of public order" to the preventive principle entrenched in Peel's police system.[114]
Development of modern police forces around the world was contemporary to the formation of the state, later defined by sociologist Max Weber as achieving a "monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force" and which was primarily exercised by the police and the military. Marxist theory situates the development of the modern state as part of the rise of capitalism, in which the police are one component of the bourgeoisie's repressive apparatus for subjugating the working class. By contrast, the Peelian principles argue that "the power of the police ... is dependent on public approval of their existence, actions and behavior", a philosophy known as policing by consent.
Personnel and organization
Police forces include both preventive (uniformed) police and detectives. Terminology varies from country to country. Police functions include protecting life and property, enforcing criminal law, criminal investigations, regulating traffic, crowd control, public safety duties, civil defense, emergency management, searching for missing persons, lost property and other duties concerned with public order. Regardless of size, police forces are generally organized as a hierarchy with multiple ranks. The exact structures and the names of rank vary considerably by country.
Uniformed
See also: Uniform § Police
Uniformed police officers of the West Midlands Police
The police who wear uniforms make up the majority of a police service's personnel. Their main duty is to respond to calls for service. When not responding to these calls, they do work aimed at preventing crime, such as patrols. The uniformed police are known by varying names such as preventive police, the uniform branch/division, administrative police, order police, the patrol bureau/division, or patrol. In Australia and the United Kingdom, patrol personnel are also known as "general duties" officers.[115] Atypically, Brazil's preventive police are known as Military Police.[116]
As stated by the name, uniformed police wear uniforms. They perform functions that require an immediate recognition of an officer's legal authority and a potential need for force. Most commonly this means intervening to stop a crime in progress and securing the scene of a crime that has already happened. Besides dealing with crime, these officers may also manage and monitor traffic, carry out community policing duties, maintain order at public events or carry out searches for missing people (in 2012, the latter accounted for 14% of police time in the United Kingdom).[117] As most of these duties must be available as a 24/7 service, uniformed police are required to do shift work.
Detectives
Oklahoma City Police Department detectives in "plainclothes" attire investigating a homicide crime scene
Police detectives are responsible for investigations and detective work. Detectives may be called Investigations Police, Judiciary/Judicial Police, or Criminal Police. In the United Kingdom, they are often referred to by the name of their department, the Criminal Investigation Department. Detectives typically make up roughly 15–25% of a police service's personnel.
Detectives, in contrast to uniformed police, typically wear business-styled attire in bureaucratic and investigative functions, where a uniformed presence would be either a distraction or intimidating but a need to establish police authority still exists. "Plainclothes" officers dress in attire consistent with that worn by the general public for purposes of blending in.
In some cases, police are assigned to work "undercover", where they conceal their police identity to investigate crimes, such as organized crime or narcotics crime, that are unsolvable by other means. In some cases, this type of policing shares aspects with espionage.
The relationship between detective and uniformed branches varies by country. In the United States, there is high variation within the country itself. Many American police departments require detectives to spend some time on temporary assignments in the patrol division.[citation needed][118] The argument is that rotating officers helps the detectives to better understand the uniformed officers' work, to promote cross-training in a wider variety of skills, and prevent "cliques" that can contribute to corruption or other unethical behavior.[citation needed] Conversely, some countries regard detective work as being an entirely separate profession, with detectives working in separate agencies and recruited without having to serve in uniform. A common compromise in English-speaking countries is that most detectives are recruited from the uniformed branch, but once qualified they tend to spend the rest of their careers in the detective branch.
Another point of variation is whether detectives have extra status. In some forces, such as the New York Police Department and Philadelphia Police Department, a regular detective holds a higher rank than a regular police officer. In others, such as British police and Canadian police, a regular detective has equal status with regular uniformed officers. Officers still have to take exams to move to the detective branch, but the move is regarded as being a specialization, rather than a promotion.
Volunteers and auxiliary
Police services often include part-time or volunteer officers, some of whom have other jobs outside policing. These may be paid positions or entirely volunteer. These are known by a variety of names, such as reserves, auxiliary police or special constables.
Other volunteer organizations work with the police and perform some of their duties. Groups in the U.S. including the Retired and Senior Volunteer Program, Community Emergency Response Team, and the Boy Scouts Police Explorers provide training, traffic and crowd control, disaster response, and other policing duties. In the U.S., the Volunteers in Police Service program assists over 200,000 volunteers in almost 2,000 programs.[119] Volunteers may also work on the support staff. Examples of these schemes are Volunteers in Police Service in the US, Police Support Volunteers in the UK and Volunteers in Policing in New South Wales.
Specialized
Japanese prefectural police Special Assault Team members preparing to enter a building
Specialized preventive and detective groups, or Specialist Investigation Departments, exist within many law enforcement organizations either for dealing with particular types of crime, such as traffic law enforcement, K9/use of police dogs, crash investigation, homicide, or fraud; or for situations requiring specialized skills, such as underwater search, aviation, explosive disposal ("bomb squad"), and computer crime.
Most larger jurisdictions employ police tactical units, specially selected and trained paramilitary units with specialized equipment, weapons, and training, for the purposes of dealing with particularly violent situations beyond the capability of a patrol officer response, including standoffs, counterterrorism, and rescue operations.
In counterinsurgency-type campaigns, select and specially trained units of police armed and equipped as light infantry have been designated as police field forces who perform paramilitary-type patrols and ambushes whilst retaining their police powers in areas that were highly dangerous.[120]
Because their situational mandate typically focuses on removing innocent bystanders from dangerous people and dangerous situations, not violent resolution, they are often equipped with non-lethal tactical tools like chemical agents, stun grenades, and rubber bullets. The Specialist Firearms Command (MO19)[121] of the Metropolitan Police in London is a group of armed police used in dangerous situations including hostage taking, armed robbery/assault and terrorism.
Administrative duties
Police may have administrative duties that are not directly related to enforcing the law, such as issuing firearms licenses. The extent that police have these functions varies among countries, with police in France, Germany, and other continental European countries handling such tasks to a greater extent than British counterparts.[115]
Military
Main article: Military police
American, Australian, and New Zealand military police with a civilian police officer in Saigon during the Vietnam War, 1965
Military police may refer to:
a section of the military solely responsible for policing the armed forces, referred to as provosts (e.g., United States Air Force Security Forces)
a section of the military responsible for policing in both the armed forces and in the civilian population (e.g., most gendarmeries, such as the French Gendarmerie, the Italian Carabinieri, the Spanish Guardia Civil, and the Portuguese National Republican Guard)
a section of the military solely responsible for policing the civilian population (e.g., Romanian Gendarmerie)
the civilian preventive police of a Brazilian state (e.g., Policia Militar)
a special military law enforcement service (e.g., Russian Military Police)
Religious
Main article: Religious police
Some jurisdictions with religious laws may have dedicated religious police to enforce said laws. These religious police forces, which may operate either as a unit of a wider police force or as an independent agency, may only have jurisdiction over members of said religion, or they may have the ability to enforce religious customs nationwide regardless of individual religious beliefs.
Religious police may enforce social norms, gender roles, dress codes, and dietary laws per religious doctrine and laws, and may also prohibit practices that run contrary to said doctrine, such as atheism, proselytism, homosexuality, socialization between different genders, business operations during religious periods or events such as salah or the Sabbath, or the sale and possession of "offending material" ranging from pornography to foreign media.[122][123]
Forms of religious law enforcement were relatively common in historical religious civilizations, but eventually declined in favor of religious tolerance and pluralism. One of the most common forms of religious police in the modern world are Islamic religious police, which enforce the application of Sharia (Islamic religious law). As of 2018, there are eight Islamic countries that maintain Islamic religious police: Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Mauritania, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Yemen.[124]
Some forms of religious police may not enforce religious law, but rather suppress religion or religious extremism. This is often done for ideological reasons; for example, communist states such as China and Vietnam have historically suppressed and tightly controlled religions such as Christianity.
Secret
Main article: Secret police
Secret police organizations are typically used to suppress dissidents for engaging in non-politically correct communications and activities, which are deemed counter-productive to what the state and related establishment promote. Secret police interventions to stop such activities are often illegal, and are designed to debilitate, in various ways, the people targeted in order to limit or stop outright their ability to act in a non-politically correct manner.[125] The methods employed may involve spying, various acts of deception, intimidation, framing, false imprisonment, false incarceration under mental health legislation, and physical violence.[126] Countries widely reported to use secret police organizations include China[127] (The Ministry of State Security) and North Korea (The Ministry of State Security).[128]
By country
Main article: Law enforcement by country
Hungarian, Estonian, Dutch, and Polish police cars in 2003
Police forces are usually organized and funded by some level of government. The level of government responsible for policing varies from place to place, and may be at the national, regional or local level. Some countries have police forces that serve the same territory, with their jurisdiction depending on the type of crime or other circumstances. Other countries, such as Austria, Chile, Israel, New Zealand, the Philippines, South Africa and Sweden, have a single national police force.[129]
In some places with multiple national police forces, one common arrangement is to have a civilian police force and a paramilitary gendarmerie, such as the Police Nationale and National Gendarmerie in France.[115] The French policing system spread to other countries through the Napoleonic Wars[130] and the French colonial empire.[131][132] Another example is the Policía Nacional and Guardia Civil in Spain. In both France and Spain, the civilian force polices urban areas and the paramilitary force polices rural areas. Italy has a similar arrangement with the Polizia di Stato and Carabinieri, though their jurisdictions overlap more. Some countries have separate agencies for uniformed police and detectives, such as the Military Police and Civil Police in Brazil and the Carabineros and Investigations Police in Chile.
Other countries have sub-national police forces, but for the most part their jurisdictions do not overlap. In many countries, especially federations, there may be two or more tiers of police force, each serving different levels of government and enforcing different subsets of the law. In Australia and Germany, the majority of policing is carried out by state (i.e. provincial) police forces, which are supplemented by a federal police force. Though not a federation, the United Kingdom has a similar arrangement, where policing is primarily the responsibility of a regional police force and specialist units exist at the national level. In Canada, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) are the federal police, while municipalities can decide whether to run a local police service or to contract local policing duties to a larger one. Most urban areas have a local police service, while most rural areas contract it to the RCMP, or to the provincial police in Ontario and Quebec.
The United States has a highly decentralized and fragmented system of law enforcement, with over 17,000 state and local law enforcement agencies.[133] These agencies include local police, county law enforcement (often in the form of a sheriff's office, or county police), state police and federal law enforcement agencies. Federal agencies, such as the FBI, only have jurisdiction over federal crimes or those that involve more than one state. Other federal agencies have jurisdiction over a specific type of crime. Examples include the Federal Protective Service, which patrols and protects government buildings; the Postal Inspection Service, which protect United States Postal Service facilities, vehicles and items; the Park Police, which protect national parks; and Amtrak Police, which patrol Amtrak stations and trains. There are also some government agencies and uniformed services that perform police functions in addition to other duties, such as the Coast Guard.
International
United Nations Police members in Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Most countries are members of the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol), established to detect and fight transnational crime and provide for international co-operation and co-ordination of other police activities, such as notifying relatives of the death of foreign nationals. Interpol does not conduct investigations or arrests by itself, but only serves as a central point for information on crime, suspects and criminals. Political crimes are excluded from its competencies.
The terms international policing, transnational policing, and/or global policing began to be used from the early 1990s onwards to describe forms of policing that transcended the boundaries of the sovereign nation-state.[134][135] These terms refer in variable ways to practices and forms for policing that, in some sense, transcend national borders. This includes a variety of practices, but international police cooperation, criminal intelligence exchange between police agencies working in different nation-states, and police development-aid to weak, failed or failing states are the three types that have received the most scholarly attention.
Historical studies reveal that policing agents have undertaken a variety of cross-border police missions for many years.[136] For example, in the 19th century a number of European policing agencies undertook cross-border surveillance because of concerns about anarchist agitators and other political radicals. A notable example of this was the occasional surveillance by Prussian police of Karl Marx during the years he remained resident in London. The interests of public police agencies in cross-border co-operation in the control of political radicalism and ordinary law crime were primarily initiated in Europe, which eventually led to the establishment of Interpol before World War II. There are also many interesting examples of cross-border policing under private auspices and by municipal police forces that date back to the 19th century.[134] It has been established that modern policing has transgressed national boundaries from time to time almost from its inception. It is also generally agreed that in the post–Cold War era this type of practice became more significant and frequent.[137]
Few empirical works on the practices of inter/transnational information and intelligence sharing have been undertaken. A notable exception is James Sheptycki's study of police cooperation in the English Channel region,[138] which provides a systematic content analysis of information exchange files and a description of how these transnational information and intelligence exchanges are transformed into police casework. The study showed that transnational police information sharing was routinized in the cross-Channel region from 1968 on the basis of agreements directly between the police agencies and without any formal agreement between the countries concerned. By 1992, with the signing of the Schengen Treaty, which formalized aspects of police information exchange across the territory of the European Union, there were worries that much, if not all, of this intelligence sharing was opaque, raising questions about the efficacy of the accountability mechanisms governing police information sharing in Europe.[139]
Studies of this kind outside of Europe are even rarer, so it is difficult to make generalizations, but one small-scale study that compared transnational police information and intelligence sharing practices at specific cross-border locations in North America and Europe confirmed that the low visibility of police information and intelligence sharing was a common feature.[140] Intelligence-led policing is now common practice in most advanced countries[141] and it is likely that police intelligence sharing and information exchange has a common morphology around the world.[141] James Sheptycki has analyzed the effects of the new information technologies on the organization of policing-intelligence and suggests that a number of "organizational pathologies" have arisen that make the functioning of security-intelligence processes in transnational policing deeply problematic. He argues that transnational police information circuits help to "compose the panic scenes of the security-control society".[142] The paradoxical effect is that, the harder policing agencies work to produce security, the greater are feelings of insecurity.
Police development-aid to weak, failed or failing states is another form of transnational policing that has garnered attention. This form of transnational policing plays an increasingly important role in United Nations peacekeeping and this looks set to grow in the years ahead, especially as the international community seeks to develop the rule of law and reform security institutions in states recovering from conflict.[143] With transnational police development-aid the imbalances of power between donors and recipients are stark and there are questions about the applicability and transportability of policing models between jurisdictions.[144]
One topic concerns making transnational policing institutions democratically accountable.[145] According to the Global Accountability Report for 2007, Interpol had the lowest scores in its category (IGOs), coming in tenth with a score of 22% on overall accountability capabilities.[146]
Overseas policing
See also: Chinese police overseas service stations
A police force may establish its presence in a foreign country with or without the permission of the host state. In the case of China and the ruling Communist Party, this has involved setting up unofficial police service stations around the world, and using coercive means to influence the behaviour of members of the Chinese diaspora and especially those who hold Chinese citizenship. Political dissidents have been harassed and intimidated in a form of transnational repression and convinced to return to China.[147] Many of these actions were illegal in the states where they occurred. Such police stations have been established in dozens of countries around the world,[148] with some, such as the UK[149] and the US,[150] forcing them to close.
Equipment
Weapons
Police officers and U.S. Marshals deputies conducting an arrest in Salinas, California, carrying a variety of weaponry
In many jurisdictions, police officers carry firearms, primarily handguns, in the normal course of their duties. In the United Kingdom (except Northern Ireland), Iceland, Ireland, New Zealand, Norway, and Malta, with the exception of specialist units, officers do not carry firearms as a matter of course. New Zealand and Norwegian police carry firearms in their vehicles, but not on their duty belts, and must obtain authorization before the weapons can be removed from the vehicle unless their life or the life of others are in danger. [151]
Police often have specialized units for handling armed offenders or dangerous situations where combat is likely, such as police tactical units or authorised firearms officers. In some jurisdictions, depending on the circumstances, police can call on the military for assistance, as military aid to the civil power is an aspect of many armed forces. Perhaps the most high-profile example of this was in 1980, when the British Army's Special Air Service was deployed to resolve the Iranian Embassy siege on behalf of the Metropolitan Police.
They can also be armed with "non-lethal" (more accurately known as "less than lethal" or "less-lethal" given that they can still be deadly[152]) weaponry, particularly for riot control, or to inflict pain against a resistant suspect to force them to surrender without lethally wounding them. Non-lethal weapons include batons, tear gas, riot control agents, rubber bullets, riot shields, water cannons, and electroshock weapons. Police officers typically carry handcuffs to restrain suspects.
The use of firearms or deadly force is typically a last resort only to be used when necessary to save the lives of others or themselves, though some jurisdictions (such as Brazil) allow its use against fleeing felons and escaped convicts. Police officers in the United States are generally allowed to use deadly force if they believe their life is in danger, a policy that has been criticized for being vague.[153] South African police have a "shoot-to-kill" policy, which allows officers to use deadly force against any person who poses a significant threat to them.[154] With the country having one of the highest rates of violent crime, President Jacob Zuma stated that South Africa needs to handle crime differently from other countries.[155]
Communications
Modern police forces make extensive use of two-way radio communications equipment, carried both on the person and installed in vehicles, to coordinate their work, share information, and get help quickly. Vehicle-installed mobile data terminals enhance the ability of police communications, enabling easier dispatching of calls, criminal background checks on persons of interest to be completed in a matter of seconds, and updating officers' daily activity log and other required reports, on a real-time basis. Other common pieces of police equipment include flashlights, whistles, police notebooks, and "ticket books" or citations. Some police departments have developed advanced computerized data display and communication systems to bring real time data to officers, one example being the NYPD's Domain Awareness System.
Vehicles
Main article: Police transport
New South Wales Police Force vehicles outside a police station in Eastwood, Sydney
Police vehicles are used for detaining, patrolling, and transporting over wide areas that an officer could not effectively cover otherwise. The average police car used for standard patrol is a four-door sedan, SUV, or CUV, often modified by the manufacturer or police force's fleet services to provide better performance. Pickup trucks, off-road vehicles, and vans are often used in utility roles, though in some jurisdictions or situations (such as those where dirt roads are common, off-roading is required, or the nature of the officer's assignment necessitates it), they may be used as standard patrol cars. Sports cars are typically not used by police due to cost and maintenance issues, though those that are used are typically only assigned to traffic enforcement or community policing, and are rarely, if ever, assigned to standard patrol or authorized to respond to dangerous calls (such as armed calls or pursuits) where the likelihood of the vehicle being damaged or destroyed is high. Police vehicles are usually marked with appropriate symbols and equipped with sirens and flashing emergency lights to make others aware of police presence or response; in most jurisdictions, police vehicles with their sirens and emergency lights on have right of way in traffic, while in other jurisdictions, emergency lights may be kept on while patrolling to ensure ease of visibility. Unmarked or undercover police vehicles are used primarily for traffic enforcement or apprehending criminals without alerting them to their presence. The use of unmarked police vehicles for traffic enforcement is controversial, with the state of New York banning this practice in 1996 on the grounds that it endangered motorists who might be pulled over by police impersonators.[156]
Motorcycles, having historically been a mainstay in police fleets, are commonly used, particularly in locations that a car may not be able to reach, to control potential public order situations involving meetings of motorcyclists, and often in police escorts where motorcycle police officers can quickly clear a path for escorted vehicles. Bicycle patrols are used in some areas, often downtown areas or parks, because they allow for wider and faster area coverage than officers on foot. Bicycles are also commonly used by riot police to create makeshift barricades against protesters.[157]
Police aviation consists of helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft, while police watercraft tend to consist of RHIBs, motorboats, and patrol boats. SWAT vehicles are used by police tactical units, and often consist of four-wheeled armored personnel carriers used to transport tactical teams while providing armored cover, equipment storage space, or makeshift battering ram capabilities; these vehicles are typically not armed and do not patrol and are only used to transport. Mobile command posts may also be used by some police forces to establish identifiable command centers at the scene of major situations.
Police cars may contain issued long guns, ammunition for issued weapons, less-lethal weaponry, riot control equipment, traffic cones, road flares, physical barricades or barricade tape, fire extinguishers,[158] first aid kits, or defibrillators.[159]
Strategies
Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department officers outside a kōban (small police station) in Roppongi, Tokyo. Kōban allow police to establish a permanent police presence and offer police station services across a wide area, while taking up minimal space.
The advent of the police car, two-way radio, and telephone in the early 20th century transformed policing into a reactive strategy that focused on responding to calls for service away from their beat.[160] With this transformation, police command and control became more centralized.
In the United States, August Vollmer introduced other reforms, including education requirements for police officers.[161] O.W. Wilson, a student of Vollmer, helped reduce corruption and introduce professionalism in Wichita, Kansas, and later in the Chicago Police Department.[162] Strategies employed by O.W. Wilson included rotating officers from community to community to reduce their vulnerability to corruption, establishing of a non-partisan police board to help govern the police force, a strict merit system for promotions within the department, and an aggressive recruiting drive with higher police salaries to attract professionally qualified officers.[163] During the professionalism era of policing, law enforcement agencies concentrated on dealing with felonies and other serious crime and conducting visible car patrols in between, rather than broader focus on crime prevention.[164]
The Kansas City Preventive Patrol study in the early 1970s showed flaws in using visible car patrols for crime prevention. It found that aimless car patrols did little to deter crime and often went unnoticed by the public. Patrol officers in cars had insufficient contact and interaction with the community, leading to a social rift between the two.[165] In the 1980s and 1990s, many law enforcement agencies began to adopt community policing strategies, and others adopted problem-oriented policing.
Broken windows' policing was another, related approach introduced in the 1980s by James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling, who suggested that police should pay greater attention to minor "quality of life" offenses and disorderly conduct. The concept behind this method is simple: broken windows, graffiti, and other physical destruction or degradation of property create an environment in which crime and disorder is more likely. The presence of broken windows and graffiti sends a message that authorities do not care and are not trying to correct problems in these areas. Therefore, correcting these small problems prevents more serious criminal activity.[166] The theory was popularised in the early 1990s by police chief William J. Bratton and New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani. It was emulated in 2010s in Kazakhstan through zero tolerance policing. Yet it failed to produce meaningful results in this country because citizens distrusted police while state leaders preferred police loyalty over police good behavior.[167]
Building upon these earlier models, intelligence-led policing has also become an important strategy. Intelligence-led policing and problem-oriented policing are complementary strategies, both of which involve systematic use of information.[168] Although it still lacks a universally accepted definition, the crux of intelligence-led policing is an emphasis on the collection and analysis of information to guide police operations, rather than the reverse.[169]
A related development is evidence-based policing. In a similar vein to evidence-based policy, evidence-based policing is the use of controlled experiments to find which methods of policing are more effective. Leading advocates of evidence-based policing include the criminologist Lawrence W. Sherman and philanthropist Jerry Lee. Findings from controlled experiments include the Minneapolis Domestic Violence Experiment,[170] evidence that patrols deter crime if they are concentrated in crime hotspots[171] and that restricting police powers to shoot suspects does not cause an increase in crime or violence against police officers.[172] Use of experiments to assess the usefulness of strategies has been endorsed by many police services and institutions, including the U.S. Police Foundation and the UK College of Policing.
Power restrictions
Main article: Police misconduct
Los Angeles Police Department officers arresting suspects during a traffic stop
In many nations, criminal procedure law has been developed to regulate officers' discretion, so that they do not arbitrarily or unjustly exercise their powers of arrest, search and seizure, and use of force. In the United States, Miranda v. Arizona led to the widespread use of Miranda warnings or constitutional warnings.
In Miranda the court created safeguards against self-incriminating statements made after an arrest. The court held that "The prosecution may not use statements, whether exculpatory or inculpatory, stemming from questioning initiated by law enforcement officers after a person has been taken into custody or otherwise deprived of his freedom of action in any significant way, unless it demonstrates the use of procedural safeguards effective to secure the Fifth Amendment's privilege against self-incrimination"[173]
Police in the United States are also prohibited from holding criminal suspects for more than a reasonable amount of time (usually 24–48 hours) before arraignment, using torture, abuse or physical threats to extract confessions, using excessive force to effect an arrest, and searching suspects' bodies or their homes without a warrant obtained upon a showing of probable cause. The four exceptions to the constitutional requirement of a search warrant are:
Consent
Search incident to arrest
Motor vehicle searches
Exigent circumstances
In Terry v. Ohio (1968) the court divided seizure into two parts, the investigatory stop and arrest. The court further held that during an investigatory stop a police officer's search " [is] confined to what [is] minimally necessary to determine whether [a suspect] is armed, and the intrusion, which [is] made for the sole purpose of protecting himself and others nearby, [is] confined to ascertaining the presence of weapons" (U.S. Supreme Court). Before Terry, every police encounter constituted an arrest, giving the police officer the full range of search authority. Search authority during a Terry stop (investigatory stop) is limited to weapons only.[173]
Using deception for confessions is permitted, but not coercion. There are exceptions or exigent circumstances such as an articulated need to disarm a suspect or searching a suspect who has already been arrested (Search Incident to an Arrest). The Posse Comitatus Act severely restricts the use of the military for police activity, giving added importance to police SWAT units.
British police officers are governed by similar rules, such as those introduced to England and Wales under the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE), but generally have greater powers. They may, for example, legally search any suspect who has been arrested, or their vehicles, home or business premises, without a warrant, and may seize anything they find in a search as evidence.
All police officers in the United Kingdom, whatever their actual rank, are 'constables' in terms of their legal position. This means that a newly appointed constable has the same arrest powers as a Chief Constable or Commissioner. However, certain higher ranks have additional powers to authorize certain aspects of police operations, such as a power to authorize a search of a suspect's house (section 18 PACE in England and Wales) by an officer of the rank of Inspector, or the power to authorize a suspect's detention beyond 24 hours by a Superintendent.
Conduct, accountability and public confidence
Main articles: Police misconduct and Police accountability
Hong Kong Police Force officers aiming firearms at protestors in Wong Tai Sin District during the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests
Police services commonly include units for investigating crimes committed by the police themselves. These units are typically called internal affairs or inspectorate-general units. In some countries separate organizations outside the police exist for such purposes, such as the British Independent Office for Police Conduct. However, due to American laws around qualified immunity, it has become increasingly difficult to investigate and charge police misconduct and crimes.[174]
Likewise, some state and local jurisdictions, for example, Springfield, Illinois[175] have similar outside review organizations. The Police Service of Northern Ireland is investigated by the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, an external agency set up as a result of the Patten report into policing the province. In the Republic of Ireland the Garda Síochána is investigated by the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission, an independent commission that replaced the Garda Complaints Board in May 2007.
The Special Investigations Unit of Ontario, Canada, is one of only a few civilian agencies around the world responsible for investigating circumstances involving police and others that have resulted in a death, serious injury, or allegations of sexual assault. The agency has made allegations of insufficient cooperation from various police services hindering their investigations.[176]
In Hong Kong, any allegations of corruption within the police are investigated by the Independent Commission Against Corruption and the Independent Police Complaints Council, two agencies which are independent of the police force.
In the United States, body cameras are often worn by police officers to record their interactions with the public and each other, providing audiovisual recorded evidence for review in the event an officer or agency's actions are investigated.[177]
Use of force
A General Directorate of Security riot control officer using force on a protester during the Gezi Park protests in Turkey
Police forces also find themselves under criticism for their use of force, particularly deadly force.[178] Specifically, tension increases when a police officer of one ethnic group harms or kills a suspect of another one.[179] In the United States, such events occasionally spark protests and accusations of racism against police and allegations that police departments practice racial profiling. Similar incidents have also happened in other countries.
In the United States since the 1960s, concern over such issues has increasingly weighed upon law enforcement agencies, courts and legislatures at every level of government. Incidents such as the 1965 Watts riots, the videotaped 1991 beating by LAPD officers of Rodney King, and the riot following their acquittal have been suggested by some people to be evidence that U.S. police are dangerously lacking in appropriate controls.
The fact that this trend has occurred contemporaneously with the rise of the civil rights movement, the "War on Drugs", and a precipitous rise in violent crime from the 1960s to the 1990s has made questions surrounding the role, administration and scope of police authority increasingly complicated.[180]
Police departments and the local governments that oversee them in some jurisdictions have attempted to mitigate some of these issues through community outreach programs and community policing to make the police more accessible to the concerns of local communities, by working to increase hiring diversity, by updating training of police in their responsibilities to the community and under the law, and by increased oversight within the department or by civilian commissions.
In cases in which such measures have been lacking or absent, civil lawsuits have been brought by the United States Department of Justice against local law enforcement agencies, authorized under the 1994 Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act. This has compelled local departments to make organizational changes, enter into consent decree settlements to adopt such measures, and submit to oversight by the Justice Department.[181]
In May 2020, a global movement to increase scrutiny of police violence grew in popularity, starting in Minneapolis, Minnesota with the murder of George Floyd. Calls for defunding of the police and full abolition of the police gained larger support in the United States as more criticized systemic racism in policing.[182]
Critics also argue that sometimes this abuse of force or power can extend to police officer civilian life as well. For example, critics note that women in around 40% of police officer families have experienced domestic violence[183] and that police officers are convicted of misdemeanors and felonies at a rate of more than six times higher than concealed carry weapon permit holders.[184]
Protection of individuals
The Supreme Court of the United States has consistently ruled that law enforcement officers in the U.S. have no duty to protect any individual, only to enforce the law in general. This is despite the motto of many police departments in the U.S. being a variation of "protect and serve"; regardless, many departments generally expect their officers to protect individuals. The first case to make such a ruling was South v. State of Maryland in 1855,[185] and the most recent was Town of Castle Rock v. Gonzales in 2005.[186]
In contrast, the police are entitled to protect private rights in some jurisdictions. To ensure that the police would not interfere in the regular competencies of the courts of law, some police acts require that the police may only interfere in such cases where protection from courts cannot be obtained in time, and where, without interference of the police, the realization of the private right would be impeded.[187] This would, for example, allow police to establish a restaurant guest's identity and forward it to the innkeeper in a case where the guest cannot pay the bill at nighttime because his wallet had just been stolen from the restaurant table.
In addition, there are federal law enforcement agencies in the United States whose mission includes providing protection for executives such as the president and accompanying family members, visiting foreign dignitaries, and other high-ranking individuals.[188][better source needed] Such agencies include the U.S. Secret Service and the U.S. Park Police.
See also
Chief of police
Criminal citation
Criminal justice
Fraternal Order of Police
Highway patrol
Law enforcement agency
Militsiya
Officer Down Memorial Page
Police academy
Police car
Police certificate
Police foundation
Police science
Police state
Police training officer
Private police
Public administration
Public security
Riot police
State police
Vigilante
Women in law enforcement
Lists
List of basic law enforcement topics
List of countries by size of police forces
List of law enforcement agencies
List of protective service agencies
Police rank
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Further reading
Mitrani, Samuel (2014). The Rise of the Chicago Police Department: Class and Conflict, 1850–1894. University of Illinois Press, 272 pages.
Interview with Sam Mitrani: "The Function of Police in Modern Society: Peace or Control?" (January 2015), The Real News
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About The Museum
The Jack the Ripper Museum, situated in a historic Victorian house in the heart of Whitechapel, tells the full story of the Jack the Ripper murders. Step back in time to the London of 1888, the greatest city in the world, where the greatest unsolved crimes of all time took place.
As you explore the museum, you will discover everything there is to know about the lives of the victims, the main suspects in the murders, the police investigation and the daily life of those living in the east end of London in 1888. Once you have all the clues, will you be able to solve the mystery of Jack the Ripper?
As you make your way up the stairs, you’ll see details of each murder recorded on the walls. The victims’ names, ages and murder locations are shown, along with newspaper reports and illustrations of the crimes.
The Illustrated Police News
Whenever you see those vivid black and white press illustrations depicting the Jack the Riper murders, there is a very good chance that they came from The Illustrated Police News, a newspaper which had been founded in 1864 and which was aimed very much at the masses.
It was one of England’s very first tabloids, specialising in lurid headlines accompanied by vivid and sensational illustrations that left little to the reader’s imagination.
Duelling nuns, owners eaten by their pets, tragic suicides and brutal murders were the sort of stories that the Police News revelled in, and, in the case of the Jack the Ripper atrocities, many Victorians learned of the latest outrages in Whitechapel from its pages.
In this article we look at the newspaper and at its colourful and unrepentant proprietor George Purkess, who died of Tuberculosis on this day, 10th December, in 1892.
The Illustrated Police News Banner.
The Header From The Illustrated Police News
ENGLAND’S WORST NEWSPAPER
In 1886, the Police News received the ultimate accolade when the readers of the Pall Mall Gazette voted it ‘the worst English newspaper.’
According to the Pall Mall Gazette, in an editorial published on Tuesday 23rd November 1886, George Purkess – “a stout, comfortable-looking man of middle age, medium height, and dark complexion” – the proprietor of The Illustrated Police News, accepted the “verdict of the jury with great good temper, not to say complacency” and he was more than happy to grant an interview to a Gazette reporter at his offices on Strand in the course of which he readily answered any questions that were put to him and “…urbanely volunteered much interesting information as to the history and position of his illustrated weekly calendar of crimes, casualties, and curious incidents.”
ENCOURAGING THE COMMISSION OF CRIME
When the reporter put to him the charge that he published “…a bad paper, which encourages the commission of crime and generally tends to the demoralization of the people into whose hands it falls,” Purkess met the accusation head on and with frankness. “Yes, people talk in that sort of way,” he commented, “but they are decidedly in error.
We cannot get out of the fact that the paper is sensational but still, barring the sensational illustrations, there is nothing in the paper to which objection can reasonably be taken.
And, as to the illustrations, why the Illustrated London News and the Graphic” now publish portraits of criminals and scenes of criminality, which they did not formerly do.
If such a policy is not bad for them, it cannot be bad for me.”
The Gazette journalist, however, was not to be so easily fobbed off with the proprietor’s “every one else is doing it, so why not me?” defence.
“But, Mr Purkess, the fact that they have become black would not make you white,” he argued, “and the popular impression is that your paper makes for criminality, that many of your patrons are apt to believe that they will have attained to the heights of heroism and glorification when their portrait appears in the Police News.”
An illustration showing a man attacking another with a razor.
Tragedy At Dartford
IT DISCOURAGES CRIME
“Certainly not,” Purkess parried, “it rather tends to prevent crime. Ten years ago, a murderer said to his friends, “If you would do me a service, keep my portrait out of the Police News.”
People really don’t like to have their portraits in the paper, and a prisoner will try all he can, by making a wry face or otherwise, to prevent my artists from securing a good portrait.”
His newspaper, he argued, acted as a “distinct deterrent” to crime, “because it warns people of the horrors of crime, and the results following upon the commission thereof.”
INCREDIBLE SALES
He also observed that the sales spoke for themselves. “I don’t advertise.. people buy it for what it’s worth; it seems to sell for some reason. Unless it had merit, it could never have lived.”
Indeed, the circulation figures that Purkess quoted the journalist were, to say the least, hugely impressive with an average weekly circulation of between 150,000 and 200,000 copies; although, if a particularity big story was being covered, he said, he had known sales to hit 600,000 copies a week.
The largest readerships were in Manchester, Birmingham and Liverpool; followed by Glasgow and Edinburgh. London, interestingly, achieved the lowest number of readers, accounting as it did for mere “one eighth” of readers.
LURID HEADLINES AND CAPTIONS
The paper cost one penny, and readers would be enticed by such lurid headlines and captions as, “Gored To Death By A Bull, ” “The Girl in Boy’s Clothes, ” “Shocking Discovery in Lambeth” and “Fatal Fire At Ramsgate: Loss of Five Lives.”
An illustration showing a woman at the window of a blazing building.
The Fatal Fire At Ramsgate
DETAILED ILLUSTRATIONS
One of the intriguing things about the illustrations that appeared in the Police News is the amount of details that they contained.
Their reporters and illustrators were almost like the live, rolling news channels of today.
“We take great trouble and incur considerable expense to secure good portraits,” George Purkess boasted to the reporter from the Pall Mall Gazette.
“I know there exists a popular impression that our illustrations are largely imaginative, but, as a matter of fact, we are continually striving after accuracy of delineation.
If a tragedy were to occur in London to-day, we would send an artist straight away to the scene; should a terrible murder or extraordinary incident be reported from the country we would at once despatch a telegram to an artist..”
IMPRESSIVELY ACCURATE DEPICTIONS
Purkess was eager to attest to the accuracy of the depictions and provided a little insight into the various methods employed by his reporters and artists to faithfully bring a scene to their readers.
“The artist, of course, always endeavours to get a view of the scene of the tragedy, outrage, suicide or accident, and we always give a picture of the house in which the inquest is held; but naturally, in sketches of this kind, from the very character of the incident, the imagination must be given some freedom.
Our artists always try to obtain portraits of the actors in the scenes which they depict, but when these cannot be had, they are driven to work upon verbal descriptions of the persons portrayed.”
One method that the artists employed in murder cases was to either visit the mortuary and sketch the victim there, or, if that was not possible, they would obtain copies of the photographs of the victims that the police had circulated to workhouses and other establishments to see if anyone could identify them.
ILLUSTRATION OF MARY NICHOLS
An example of these methods is clearly detectable in the coverage the paper gave to the murder of Mary Nichols, whose portrait in the Police News, is so close to the photograph we have of her that artist must have either seen her in the mortuary, or else had seen the mortuary photograph of her.
An illustration showing Mary Nichols in her coffin.
The Illustrated Police News Depiction of Mary Nichols
THE BEST PORTRAITS PUBLISHED
In his interview with the journalist from the Pal Mall Gazette, Purkess was at pains to point out that his paper was “…credited with giving the best portraits published by any journal”, and he went on to opine that, “if people would only think of it, they would instantly perceive that the accuracy of our illustrations is one of the secrets of our success.”
Furthermore, he made the point that:- “We always have a large sale in the district of a tragedy, incident or casualty which we illustrate” and, as he justifiably stated this “is the best proof of the honesty of our drawings…”
You can almost picture the artists from the Police News, skulking around the various sites in the aftermath of the individual Whitechapel Murders, sketchbooks in hand, jotting and sketching the scenes as they unfolded.
As such, these drawings provide us with a terrific insight into the streets where the Jack the Ripper murders occurred, almost acting as windows through which we can look back at the streets of the East End of London in 1888 in the aftermath of the crimes.
The front page of the Illustrated police News showing the Whitechapel Murders up to that point.
The Illustrated Police News 13th October 1888
WE MUST PUT UP WITH THE POLICE NEWS
For sure, George Purkess and his team of artists and reporters may not have been high-brow, but they most certainly knew their target readership and they, quite literally in many cases, aimed straight for its jugular to entertain, inform and terrify, but also to sell more and more copies.
As George Purkess put it, demonstrating admirable self-awareness, in the concluding paragraph of the Pall Mall Gazette article, “…as I replied to a friend who asked me why I did not produce some other paper than the Police News, ‘We can’t all have Timeses and Telegraphs, and if we can’t have the Telegraph or the Times, we must put up with the Police News.’”
THE DEATH OF GEORGE PURKESS
George Purkess died of Tuberculosis on Saturday 10th December 1892 at his home near Regent’s Park in London. His death merited the following brief paragraph in his own journal in the following Saturday’s edition.
The announcement of the death of George Purkess in the Illustrated Police News.
The Announcement of George Purkess Death
He was buried in Highgate Cemetery.
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Jack the Ripper Whitechapel murders. Jack the Ripper Drawing of a man with a pulled-up collar and pulled-down hat walking alone on a street watched by a group of well-dressed men behind him "With the Vigilance Committee in the East End: A Suspicious Character" from The Illustrated London News, 13 October 1888 Born Unknown Other names "The Whitechapel Murderer" "Leather Apron" Motive Unknown (possibly sexual sadism and/or rage) Details Victims Unknown (5 canonical) Date 1888–1891 (1888: 5 canonical) Location(s) Whitechapel and Spitalfields, London, England (5 canonical) Jack the Ripper was an unidentified serial killer active in and around the impoverished Whitechapel district of London, England, in 1888. In both criminal case files and the contemporaneous journalistic accounts, the killer was also called the Whitechapel Murderer and Leather Apron. Attacks ascribed to Jack the Ripper typically involved women working as prostitutes who lived and worked in the slums of the East End of London. Their throats were cut prior to abdominal mutilations. The removal of internal organs from at least three of the victims led to speculation that their killer had some anatomical or surgical knowledge. Rumours that the murders were connected intensified in September and October 1888, and numerous letters were received by media outlets and Scotland Yard from individuals purporting to be the murderer. The name "Jack the Ripper" originated in the "Dear Boss letter" written by an individual claiming to be the murderer, which was disseminated in the press. The letter is widely believed to have been a hoax and may have been written by journalists to heighten interest in the story and increase their newspapers' circulation. The "From Hell letter" received by George Lusk of the Whitechapel Vigilance Committee came with half of a preserved human kidney, purportedly taken from one of the victims. The public came increasingly to believe in the existence of a single serial killer known as Jack the Ripper, mainly because of both the extraordinarily brutal nature of the murders and media coverage of the crimes. Extensive newspaper coverage bestowed widespread and enduring international notoriety on the Ripper, and the legend solidified. A police investigation into a series of eleven brutal murders committed in Whitechapel and Spitalfields between 1888 and 1891 was unable to connect all the killings conclusively to the murders of 1888. Five victims—Mary Ann Nichols, Annie Chapman, Elizabeth Stride, Catherine Eddowes, and Mary Jane Kelly—are known as the "canonical five" and their murders between 31 August and 9 November 1888 are often considered the most likely to be linked. The murders were never solved, and the legends surrounding these crimes became a combination of historical research, folklore, and pseudohistory, capturing public imagination to the present day. Background Women and children congregate in front of one of the Whitechapel common lodging-houses close to where Jack the Ripper murdered two of his victims[1] In the mid-19th century, England experienced an influx of Irish immigrants who swelled the populations of the major cities, including the East End of London. From 1882, Jewish refugees fleeing pogroms in the Russian Empire and other areas of Eastern Europe emigrated into the same area.[2] The parish of Whitechapel in the East End became increasingly overcrowded, with the population increasing to approximately 80,000 inhabitants by 1888.[3] Work and housing conditions worsened, and a significant economic underclass developed.[4] Fifty-five per cent of children born in the East End died before they were five years old.[5] Robbery, violence, and alcohol dependency were commonplace,[3] and the endemic poverty drove many women to prostitution to survive on a daily basis.[6] In October 1888, London's Metropolitan Police Service estimated that there were 62 brothels and 1,200 women working as prostitutes in Whitechapel,[7] with approximately 8,500 people residing in the 233 common lodging-houses within Whitechapel every night,[3] with the nightly price for a coffin bed being fourpence (equivalent to £2 in 2021)[8] and the cost of sleeping upon a "lean-to" or "hang-over" rope stretched across the dormitory being two pence per person.[9] The economic problems in Whitechapel were accompanied by a steady rise in social tensions. Between 1886 and 1889, frequent demonstrations led to police intervention and public unrest, such as Bloody Sunday (1887).[10] Antisemitism, crime, nativism, racism, social disturbance, and severe deprivation influenced public perceptions that Whitechapel was a notorious den of immorality.[11] Such perceptions were strengthened in 1888 when the series of vicious and grotesque murders attributed to "Jack the Ripper" received unprecedented coverage in the media.[12] Murders Main article: Whitechapel murders Victorian map of London marked with seven dots within a few streets of each other The sites of the first seven Whitechapel murders – Osborn Street (centre right), George Yard (centre left), Hanbury Street (top), Buck's Row (far right), Berner Street (bottom right), Mitre Square (bottom left), and Dorset Street (middle left) The large number of attacks against women in the East End during this time adds uncertainty to how many victims were murdered by the same individual.[13] Eleven separate murders, stretching from 3 April 1888 to 13 February 1891, were included in a Metropolitan Police investigation and were known collectively in the police docket as the "Whitechapel murders".[14][15] Opinions vary as to whether these murders should be linked to the same culprit, but five of the eleven Whitechapel murders, known as the "canonical five", are widely believed to be the work of the Ripper.[16] Most experts point to deep slash wounds to the throat, followed by extensive abdominal and genital-area mutilation, the removal of internal organs, and progressive facial mutilations as the distinctive features of the Ripper's modus operandi.[17] The first two cases in the Whitechapel murders file, those of Emma Elizabeth Smith and Martha Tabram, are not included in the canonical five.[18] Smith was robbed and sexually assaulted in Osborn Street, Whitechapel, at approximately 1:30 a.m. on 3 April 1888.[19] She had been bludgeoned about the face and received a cut to her ear.[20] A blunt object was also inserted into her vagina, rupturing her peritoneum. She developed peritonitis and died the following day at London Hospital.[21] Smith stated that she had been attacked by two or three men, one of whom she described as a teenager.[22] This attack was linked to the later murders by the press,[23] but most authors attribute Smith's murder to general East End gang violence unrelated to the Ripper case.[14][24][25] Tabram was murdered on a staircase landing in George Yard, Whitechapel, on 7 August 1888;[26] she had suffered 39 stab wounds to her throat, lungs, heart, liver, spleen, stomach, and abdomen, with additional knife wounds inflicted to her breasts and vagina.[27] All but one of Tabram's wounds had been inflicted with a bladed instrument such as a penknife, and with one possible exception, all the wounds had been inflicted by a right-handed individual.[26] Tabram had not been raped.[28] The savagery of the Tabram murder, the lack of an obvious motive, and the closeness of the location and date to the later canonical Ripper murders led police to link this murder to those later committed by Jack the Ripper.[29] However, this murder differs from the later canonical murders because although Tabram had been repeatedly stabbed, she had not suffered any slash wounds to her throat or abdomen.[30] Many experts do not connect Tabram's murder with the later murders because of this difference in the wound pattern.[31] Canonical five The canonical five Ripper victims are Mary Ann Nichols, Annie Chapman, Elizabeth Stride, Catherine Eddowes, and Mary Jane Kelly.[32] The body of Mary Ann Nichols was discovered at about 3:40 a.m. on Friday 31 August 1888 in Buck's Row (now Durward Street), Whitechapel. Nichols had last been seen alive approximately one hour before the discovery of her body by a Mrs. Emily Holland, with whom she had previously shared a bed at a common lodging-house in Thrawl Street, Spitalfields, walking in the direction of Whitechapel Road.[33] Her throat was severed by two deep cuts, one of which completely severed all the tissue down to the vertebrae.[34] Her vagina had been stabbed twice,[35] and the lower part of her abdomen was partly ripped open by a deep, jagged wound, causing her bowels to protrude.[36] Several other incisions inflicted to both sides of her abdomen had also been caused by the same knife; each of these wounds had been inflicted in a downward thrusting manner.[37] 29 Hanbury Street. The door through which Annie Chapman and her murderer walked to the yard where her body was discovered is beneath the numerals of the property sign. One week later, on Saturday 8 September 1888, the body of Annie Chapman was discovered at approximately 6 a.m. near the steps to the doorway of the back yard of 29 Hanbury Street, Spitalfields. As in the case of Nichols, the throat was severed by two deep cuts.[38] Her abdomen had been cut entirely open, with a section of the flesh from her stomach being placed upon her left shoulder and another section of skin and flesh—plus her small intestines—being removed and placed above her right shoulder.[39] Chapman's autopsy also revealed that her uterus and sections of her bladder and vagina[40] had been removed.[41] At the inquest into Chapman's murder, Elizabeth Long described having seen Chapman standing outside 29 Hanbury Street at about 5:30 a.m.[42] in the company of a dark-haired man wearing a brown deer-stalker hat and dark overcoat, and of a "shabby-genteel" appearance.[43] According to this eyewitness, the man had asked Chapman, "Will you?" to which Chapman had replied, "Yes."[44] Elizabeth Stride and Catherine Eddowes were both killed in the early morning hours of Sunday 30 September 1888. Stride's body was discovered at approximately 1 a.m. in Dutfield's Yard, off Berner Street (now Henriques Street) in Whitechapel.[45] The cause of death was a single clear-cut incision, measuring six inches across her neck which had severed her left carotid artery and her trachea before terminating beneath her right jaw.[46] The absence of any further mutilations to her body has led to uncertainty as to whether Stride's murder was committed by the Ripper, or whether he was interrupted during the attack.[47] Several witnesses later informed police they had seen Stride in the company of a man in or close to Berner Street on the evening of 29 September and in the early hours of 30 September,[48] but each gave differing descriptions: some said that her companion was fair, others dark; some said that he was shabbily dressed, others well-dressed.[49] Contemporaneous police drawing of the body of Catherine Eddowes, as discovered in Mitre Square Eddowes's body was found in a corner of Mitre Square in the City of London, three-quarters of an hour after the discovery of the body of Elizabeth Stride.[50] Her throat was severed from ear to ear and her abdomen ripped open by a long, deep and jagged wound before her intestines had been placed over her right shoulder, with a section of the intestine being completely detached and placed between her body and left arm.[51] The left kidney and the major part of Eddowes's uterus had been removed, and her face had been disfigured, with her nose severed, her cheek slashed, and cuts measuring a quarter of an inch and a half an inch respectively vertically incised through each of her eyelids.[52] A triangular incision—the apex of which pointed towards Eddowes's eye—had also been carved upon each of her cheeks,[53] and a section of the auricle and lobe of her right ear was later recovered from her clothing.[54] The police surgeon who conducted the post mortem upon Eddowes's body stated his opinion these mutilations would have taken "at least five minutes" to complete.[55] A local cigarette salesman named Joseph Lawende had passed by a narrow walkway to Mitre Square named Church Passage with two friends shortly before the murder;[56] he later described seeing a fair-haired man of medium build with a shabby appearance with a woman who may have been Eddowes.[57] Lawende's companions were unable to confirm his description.[57] The murders of Stride and Eddowes ultimately became known as the "double event".[58][59] A section of Eddowes's bloodied apron was found at the entrance to a tenement in Goulston Street, Whitechapel, at 2:55 a.m.[60] A chalk inscription upon the wall directly above this piece of apron read: "The Juwes are The men That Will not be Blamed for nothing."[61] This graffito became known as the Goulston Street graffito. The message appeared to imply that a Jew or Jews in general were responsible for the series of murders, but it is unclear whether the graffito was written by the murderer on dropping the section of apron, or was merely incidental and nothing to do with the case.[62] Such graffiti were commonplace in Whitechapel. Police Commissioner Sir Charles Warren feared that the graffito might spark antisemitic riots and ordered the writing washed away before dawn.[63][64] The extensively mutilated and disembowelled body of Mary Jane Kelly was discovered lying on the bed in the single room where she lived at 13 Miller's Court, off Dorset Street, Spitalfields, at 10:45 a.m. on Friday 9 November 1888.[65] Her face had been "hacked beyond all recognition",[66] with her throat severed down to the spine, and the abdomen almost emptied of its organs.[67] Her uterus, kidneys and one breast had been placed beneath her head, and other viscera from her body placed beside her foot,[68] about the bed and sections of her abdomen and thighs upon a bedside table. The heart was missing from the crime scene.[69] Multiple ashes found within the fireplace at 13 Miller's Court suggested Kelly's murderer had burned several combustible items to illuminate the single room as he mutilated her body. A recent fire had been severe enough to melt the solder between a kettle and its spout, which had fallen into the grate of the fireplace.[70] Black and white photograph of an eviscerated human body lying on a bed. The face is mutilated. Official police photograph of the body of Mary Jane Kelly as discovered in 13 Miller's Court, Spitalfields, 9 November 1888 Each of the canonical five murders was perpetrated at night, on or close to a weekend, either at the end of a month or a week (or so) after.[71] The mutilations became increasingly severe as the series of murders proceeded, except for that of Stride, whose attacker may have been interrupted.[72] Nichols was not missing any organs; Chapman's uterus and sections of her bladder and vagina were taken; Eddowes had her uterus and left kidney removed and her face mutilated; and Kelly's body was extensively eviscerated, with her face "gashed in all directions" and the tissue of her neck being severed to the bone, although the heart was the sole body organ missing from this crime scene.[73] Historically, the belief these five canonical murders were committed by the same perpetrator is derived from contemporaneous documents which link them together to the exclusion of others.[74] In 1894, Sir Melville Macnaghten, Assistant Chief Constable of the Metropolitan Police Service and Head of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), wrote a report that stated: "the Whitechapel murderer had 5 victims—& 5 victims only".[75] Similarly, the canonical five victims were linked together in a letter written by police surgeon Thomas Bond to Robert Anderson, head of the London CID, on 10 November 1888.[76] Some researchers have posited that some of the murders were undoubtedly the work of a single killer, but an unknown larger number of killers acting independently were responsible for the other crimes.[77] Authors Stewart P. Evans and Donald Rumbelow argue that the canonical five is a "Ripper myth" and that three cases (Nichols, Chapman, and Eddowes) can be definitely linked to the same perpetrator, but that less certainty exists as to whether Stride and Kelly were also murdered by the same individual.[78] Conversely, others suppose that the six murders between Tabram and Kelly were the work of a single killer.[17] Percy Clark, assistant to the examining pathologist George Bagster Phillips, linked only three of the murders and thought that the others were perpetrated by "weak-minded individual[s] ... induced to emulate the crime".[79] Macnaghten did not join the police force until the year after the murders, and his memorandum contains serious factual errors about possible suspects.[80] Later Whitechapel murders Mary Jane Kelly is generally considered to be the Ripper's final victim, and it is assumed that the crimes ended because of the culprit's death, imprisonment, institutionalisation, or emigration.[24][81] The Whitechapel murders file details another four murders that occurred after the canonical five: those of Rose Mylett, Alice McKenzie, the Pinchin Street torso, and Frances Coles.[26][82] The strangled body of 26-year-old Rose Mylett[83] was found in Clarke's Yard, High Street, Poplar on 20 December 1888.[84] There was no sign of a struggle, and the police believed that she had either accidentally hanged herself with her collar while in a drunken stupor or committed suicide.[85] However, faint markings left by a cord on one side of her neck suggested Mylett had been strangled.[86][87] At the inquest into Mylett's death, the jury returned a verdict of murder.[85] Alice McKenzie was murdered shortly after midnight on 17 July 1889 in Castle Alley, Whitechapel. She had suffered two stab wounds to her neck, and her left carotid artery had been severed. Several minor bruises and cuts were found on her body, which also bore a seven-inch long superficial wound extending from her left breast to her navel.[88] One of the examining pathologists, Thomas Bond, believed this to be a Ripper murder, though his colleague George Bagster Phillips, who had examined the bodies of three previous victims, disagreed.[89] Opinions among writers are also divided between those who suspect McKenzie's murderer copied the modus operandi of Jack the Ripper to deflect suspicion from himself,[90] and those who ascribe this murder to Jack the Ripper.[91] "The Pinchin Street torso" was a decomposing headless and legless torso of an unidentified woman aged between 30 and 40 discovered beneath a railway arch in Pinchin Street, Whitechapel, on 10 September 1889.[92] Bruising about the victim's back, hip, and arm indicated the decedent had been extensively beaten shortly before her death. The victim's abdomen was also extensively mutilated, although her genitals had not been wounded.[93] She appeared to have been killed approximately one day prior to the discovery of her torso.[94] The dismembered sections of the body are believed to have been transported to the railway arch, hidden under an old chemise.[95] Frances Coles was found with her throat cut under a railway arch in Whitechapel on 13 February 1891.[96] At 2:15 a.m. on 13 February 1891, PC Ernest Thompson discovered a 25-year-old prostitute named Frances Coles lying beneath a railway arch at Swallow Gardens, Whitechapel.[97] Her throat had been deeply cut but her body was not mutilated, leading some to believe Thompson had disturbed her assailant. Coles was still alive, although she died before medical help could arrive.[98] A 53-year-old stoker, James Thomas Sadler, had earlier been seen drinking with Coles,[99] and the two are known to have argued approximately three hours before her death. Sadler was arrested by the police and charged with her murder. He was briefly thought to be the Ripper,[100] but was later discharged from court for lack of evidence on 3 March 1891.[100] Other alleged victims In addition to the eleven Whitechapel murders, commentators have linked other attacks to the Ripper. In the case of "Fairy Fay", it is unclear whether this attack was real or fabricated as a part of Ripper lore.[101] "Fairy Fay" was a nickname given to an unidentified[102] woman whose body was allegedly found in a doorway close to Commercial Road on 26 December 1887[103] "after a stake had been thrust through her abdomen",[104][105] but there were no recorded murders in Whitechapel at or around Christmas 1887.[106] "Fairy Fay" seems to have been created through a confused press report of the murder of Emma Elizabeth Smith, who had a stick or other blunt object shoved into her vagina.[107] Most authors agree that the victim "Fairy Fay" never existed.[101][102] A 38-year-old widow named Annie Millwood was admitted to the Whitechapel Workhouse Infirmary with numerous stab wounds to her legs and lower torso on 25 February 1888,[108] informing staff she had been attacked with a clasp knife by an unknown man.[109] She was later discharged, but died from apparently natural causes on 31 March.[102] Millwood was later postulated to be the Ripper's first victim, although this attack cannot be definitively linked to the perpetrator.[110] Another suspected precanonical victim was a young dressmaker named Ada Wilson,[111] who reportedly survived being stabbed twice in the neck with a clasp knife[112] upon the doorstep of her home in Bow on 28 March 1888 by a man who had demanded money from her.[113] A further possible victim, 40-year-old Annie Farmer, resided at the same lodging house as Martha Tabram[114] and reported an attack on 21 November 1888. She had received a superficial cut to her throat. Although an unknown man with blood on his mouth and hands had run out of this lodging house, shouting, "Look at what she has done!" before two eyewitnesses heard Farmer scream,[115] her wound was light, and possibly self-inflicted.[116][117] "The Whitehall Mystery" was a term coined for the discovery of a headless torso of a woman on 2 October 1888 in the basement of the new Metropolitan Police headquarters being built in Whitehall. An arm and shoulder belonging to the body were previously discovered floating in the River Thames near Pimlico on 11 September, and the left leg was subsequently discovered buried near where the torso was found on 17 October.[118] The other limbs and head were never recovered and the body was never identified. The mutilations were similar to those in the Pinchin Street torso case, where the legs and head were severed but not the arms.[119] Drawing of three men discovering the torso of a woman "The Whitehall Mystery" of October 1888 Both the Whitehall Mystery and the Pinchin Street case may have been part of a series of murders known as the "Thames Mysteries", committed by a single serial killer dubbed the "Torso killer".[120] It is debatable whether Jack the Ripper and the "Torso killer" were the same person or separate serial killers active in the same area.[120] The modus operandi of the Torso killer differed from that of the Ripper, and police at the time discounted any connection between the two.[121] Only one of the four victims linked to the Torso killer, Elizabeth Jackson, was ever identified. Jackson was a 24-year-old prostitute from Chelsea whose various body parts were collected from the River Thames over a three-week period between 31 May and 25 June 1889.[122][123] On 29 December 1888, the body of a seven-year-old boy named John Gill was found in a stable block in Manningham, Bradford.[124] Gill had been missing since 27 December. His legs had been severed, his abdomen opened, his intestines partly drawn out, and his heart and one ear removed. Similarities with the Ripper murders led to press speculation that the Ripper had killed him.[125] The boy's employer, 23-year-old milkman William Barrett, was twice arrested for the murder but was released due to insufficient evidence.[125] No-one was ever prosecuted.[125] Carrie Brown (nicknamed "Shakespeare", reportedly for her habit of quoting Shakespeare's sonnets) was strangled with clothing and then mutilated with a knife on 24 April 1891 in New York City.[126] Her body was found with a large tear through her groin area and superficial cuts on her legs and back. No organs were removed from the scene, though an ovary was found upon the bed, either purposely removed or unintentionally dislodged.[126] At the time, the murder was compared to those in Whitechapel, though the Metropolitan Police eventually ruled out any connection.[126] Investigation Sketch of a whiskered man Inspector Frederick Abberline The vast majority of the City of London Police files relating to their investigation into the Whitechapel murders were destroyed in the Blitz.[127] The surviving Metropolitan Police files allow a detailed view of investigative procedures in the Victorian era.[128] A large team of policemen conducted house-to-house inquiries throughout Whitechapel. Forensic material was collected and examined. Suspects were identified, traced, and either examined more closely or eliminated from the inquiry. Modern police work follows the same pattern.[128] More than 2,000 people were interviewed, "upwards of 300" people were investigated, and 80 people were detained.[129] Following the murders of Stride and Eddowes, the Commissioner of the City Police, Sir James Fraser, offered a reward of £500 for the arrest of the Ripper.[130] The investigation was initially conducted by the Metropolitan Police Whitechapel (H) Division Criminal Investigation Department (CID) headed by Detective Inspector Edmund Reid. After the murder of Nichols, Detective Inspectors Frederick Abberline, Henry Moore, and Walter Andrews were sent from Central Office at Scotland Yard to assist. The City of London Police were involved under Detective Inspector James McWilliam after the Eddowes murder, which occurred within the City of London.[131] The overall direction of the murder enquiries was hampered by the fact that the newly appointed head of the CID, Assistant Commissioner Robert Anderson, was on leave in Switzerland between 7 September and 6 October, during the time when Chapman, Stride, and Eddowes were killed.[132] This prompted Colonel Sir Charles Warren, the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, to appoint Chief Inspector Donald Swanson to coordinate the enquiry from Scotland Yard.[133] Butchers, slaughterers, surgeons, and physicians were suspected because of the manner of the mutilations. A surviving note from Major Henry Smith, Acting Commissioner of the City Police, indicates that the alibis of local butchers and slaughterers were investigated, with the result that they were eliminated from the inquiry.[134] A report from Inspector Swanson to the Home Office confirms that 76 butchers and slaughterers were visited, and that the inquiry encompassed all their employees for the previous six months.[135] Some contemporaneous figures, including Queen Victoria, thought the pattern of the murders indicated that the culprit was a butcher or cattle drover on one of the cattle boats that plied between London and mainland Europe. Whitechapel was close to the London Docks,[136] and usually such boats docked on Thursday or Friday and departed on Saturday or Sunday.[137] The cattle boats were examined but the dates of the murders did not coincide with a single boat's movements and the transfer of a crewman between boats was also ruled out.[138] Drawing of a blind-folded policeman with arms outstretched in the midst of a bunch of ragamuffin ruffians "Blind man's buff": Punch cartoon by John Tenniel (22 September 1888) criticising the police's alleged incompetence. The failure of the police to capture the killer reinforced the attitude held by radicals that the police were inept and mismanaged.[139] Whitechapel Vigilance Committee In September 1888, a group of volunteer citizens in London's East End formed the Whitechapel Vigilance Committee. They patrolled the streets looking for suspicious characters, partly because of dissatisfaction with the failure of police to apprehend the perpetrator, and also because some members were concerned that the murders were affecting businesses in the area.[140] The Committee petitioned the government to raise a reward for information leading to the arrest of the killer, offered their own reward of £50 (the equivalent of between £5,900 and £86,000 in 2021)[141] for information leading to his capture,[142] and hired private detectives to question witnesses independently.[143] Criminal profiling At the end of October, Robert Anderson asked police surgeon Thomas Bond to give his opinion on the extent of the murderer's surgical skill and knowledge.[144] The opinion offered by Bond on the character of the "Whitechapel murderer" is the earliest surviving offender profile.[145] Bond's assessment was based on his own examination of the most extensively mutilated victim and the post mortem notes from the four previous canonical murders.[76] He wrote: All five murders no doubt were committed by the same hand. In the first four the throats appear to have been cut from left to right, in the last case owing to the extensive mutilation it is impossible to say in what direction the fatal cut was made, but arterial blood was found on the wall in splashes close to where the woman's head must have been lying. All the circumstances surrounding the murders lead me to form the opinion that the women must have been lying down when murdered and in every case the throat was first cut.[76] Bond was strongly opposed to the idea that the murderer possessed any kind of scientific or anatomical knowledge, or even "the technical knowledge of a butcher or horse slaughterer".[76] In his opinion, the killer must have been a man of solitary habits, subject to "periodical attacks of homicidal and erotic mania", with the character of the mutilations possibly indicating "satyriasis".[76] Bond also stated that "the homicidal impulse may have developed from a revengeful or brooding condition of the mind, or that religious mania may have been the original disease but I do not think either hypothesis is likely".[76] There is no evidence the perpetrator engaged in sexual activity with any of the victims,[17][146] yet psychologists suppose that the penetration of the victims with a knife and "leaving them on display in sexually degrading positions with the wounds exposed" indicates that the perpetrator derived sexual pleasure from the attacks.[17][147] This view is challenged by others, who dismiss such hypotheses as insupportable supposition.[148] In addition to the contradictions and unreliability of contemporaneous accounts, attempts to identify the murderer are hampered by the lack of any surviving forensic evidence.[149] DNA analysis on extant letters is inconclusive;[150] the available material has been handled many times and is too contaminated to provide meaningful results.[151] There have been mutually incompatible claims that DNA evidence points conclusively to two different suspects: Aaron Kosminski (a Whitechapel barber) and artist Walter Sickert. The scientific methodology used to advance both of these claims by their proponents has also been criticised.[152] Suspects Main article: Jack the Ripper suspects Cartoon of a man holding a bloody knife looking contemptuously at a display of half-a-dozen supposed and dissimilar likenesses Speculation as to the identity of Jack the Ripper: cover of the 21 September 1889 issue of Puck magazine, by cartoonist Tom Merry The concentration of the killings around weekends and public holidays and within a short distance of each other has indicated to many that the Ripper was in regular employment and lived locally.[153] Others have opined that the killer was an educated upper-class man, possibly a doctor or an aristocrat who ventured into Whitechapel from a more well-to-do area.[154] Such theories draw on cultural perceptions such as fear of the medical profession, a mistrust of modern science, or the exploitation of the poor by the rich.[155] The term "Ripperology" was coined to describe the study and analysis of the Ripper case in an effort to determine his identity, and the murders have inspired numerous works of fiction.[156] Suspects proposed years after the murders include virtually anyone remotely connected to the case by contemporaneous documents, as well as many famous names who were never considered in the police investigation, including Prince Albert Victor,[157] artist Walter Sickert, and author Lewis Carroll.[158] Everyone alive at the time is now long dead, and modern authors are free to accuse anyone "without any need for any supporting historical evidence".[159] Suspects named in contemporaneous police documents include three in Sir Melville Macnaghten's 1894 memorandum, but the evidence against each of these individuals is, at best, circumstantial.[160] There are many, varied theories about the actual identity and profession of Jack the Ripper, but authorities are not agreed upon any of them, and the number of named suspects reaches over one hundred.[161][162] Despite continued interest in the case, the Ripper's identity remains unknown.[163] Letters Jack the Ripper letters "Dear Boss" letter "Saucy Jacky" postcard "From Hell" letter Openshaw letter vte Over the course of the Whitechapel murders, the police, newspapers, and other individuals received hundreds of letters regarding the case.[164] Some letters were well-intentioned offers of advice as to how to catch the killer, but the vast majority were either hoaxes or generally useless.[165][166] Hundreds of letters claimed to have been written by the killer himself,[167] and three of these in particular are prominent: the "Dear Boss" letter, the "Saucy Jacky" postcard and the "From Hell" letter.[168] The "Dear Boss" letter, dated 25 September and postmarked 27 September 1888, was received that day by the Central News Agency, and was forwarded to Scotland Yard on 29 September.[169] Initially, it was considered a hoax, but when Eddowes was found three days after the letter's postmark with a section of one ear obliquely cut from her body, the promise of the author to "clip the ladys (sic) ears off" gained attention.[170] Eddowes's ear appears to have been nicked by the killer incidentally during his attack, and the letter writer's threat to send the ears to the police was never carried out.[171] The name "Jack the Ripper" was first used in this letter by the signatory and gained worldwide notoriety after its publication.[172] Most of the letters that followed copied this letter's tone,[173] with some authors adopting pseudonyms such as "George of the High Rip Gang"[174] and "Jack Sheridan, the Ripper."[175] Some sources claim that another letter dated 17 September 1888 was the first to use the name "Jack the Ripper",[176] but most experts believe that this was a fake inserted into police records in the 20th century.[177] Scrawled and misspelled note reading: From hell—Mr Lusk—Sir I send you half the kidne I took from one woman prasarved it for you tother piece I fried and ate it was very nise I may send you the bloody knif that took it out if you only wate a whil longer—Signed Catch me when you can Mishter Lusk The "From Hell" letter The "Saucy Jacky" postcard was postmarked 1 October 1888 and was received the same day by the Central News Agency. The handwriting was similar to the "Dear Boss" letter,[178] and mentioned the canonical murders committed on 30 September, which the author refers to by writing "double event this time".[179] It has been argued that the postcard was posted before the murders were publicised, making it unlikely that a crank would hold such knowledge of the crime.[180] However, it was postmarked more than 24 hours after the killings occurred, long after details of the murders were known and publicised by journalists, and had become general community gossip by the residents of Whitechapel.[179][181] The "From Hell" letter was received by George Lusk, leader of the Whitechapel Vigilance Committee, on 16 October 1888.[182] The handwriting and style is unlike that of the "Dear Boss" letter and "Saucy Jacky" postcard.[183] The letter came with a small box in which Lusk discovered half of a human kidney, preserved in "spirits of wine" (ethanol).[183] Eddowes's left kidney had been removed by the killer. The writer claimed that he "fried and ate" the missing kidney half. There is disagreement over the kidney; some contend that it belonged to Eddowes, while others argue that it was a macabre practical joke.[184][185] The kidney was examined by Thomas Openshaw of the London Hospital, who determined that it was human and from the left side, but (contrary to false newspaper reports) he could not determine any other biological characteristics.[186] Openshaw subsequently also received a letter signed "Jack the Ripper".[187] Scotland Yard published facsimiles of the "Dear Boss" letter and the postcard on 3 October, in the ultimately vain hope that a member of the public would recognise the handwriting.[188] Charles Warren explained in a letter to Godfrey Lushington, Permanent Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department: "I think the whole thing a hoax but of course we are bound to try & ascertain the writer in any case."[189] On 7 October 1888, George R. Sims in the Sunday newspaper Referee implied scathingly that the letter was written by a journalist "to hurl the circulation of a newspaper sky high".[190] Police officials later claimed to have identified a specific journalist as the author of both the "Dear Boss" letter and the postcard.[191] The journalist was identified as Tom Bullen in a letter from Chief Inspector John Littlechild to George R. Sims dated 23 September 1913.[192][n 1] A journalist named Fred Best reportedly confessed in 1931 that he and a colleague at The Star had written the letters signed "Jack the Ripper" to heighten interest in the murders and "keep the business alive".[195] Media 8 September 1888 edition of the Penny Illustrated Paper depicting the discovery of the body of the first canonical Ripper victim, Mary Ann Nichols The Ripper murders mark an important watershed in the treatment of crime by journalists.[24][196] Jack the Ripper was not the first serial killer, but his case was the first to create a worldwide media frenzy.[24][196] The Elementary Education Act 1880 (which had extended upon a previous Act) made school attendance compulsory regardless of class. As such, by 1888, more working-class people in England and Wales were literate.[197] Tax reforms in the 1850s had enabled the publication of inexpensive newspapers with a wider circulation.[198] These mushroomed in the later Victorian era to include mass-circulation newspapers costing as little as a halfpenny, along with popular magazines such as The Illustrated Police News which made the Ripper the beneficiary of previously unparalleled publicity.[199] Consequently, at the height of the investigation, over one million copies[200] of newspapers with extensive coverage devoted to the Whitechapel murders were sold each day.[201] However, many of the articles were sensationalistic and speculative, and false information was regularly printed as fact.[202] In addition, several articles speculating as to the identity of the Ripper alluded to local xenophobic rumours that the perpetrator was either Jewish or foreign.[203][204] In early September, six days after the murder of Mary Ann Nichols, The Manchester Guardian reported: "Whatever information may be in the possession of the police they deem it necessary to keep secret ... It is believed their attention is particularly directed to ... a notorious character known as 'Leather Apron'."[205] Journalists were frustrated by the unwillingness of the CID to reveal details of their investigation to the public, and so resorted to writing reports of questionable veracity.[24][206] Imaginative descriptions of "Leather Apron" appeared in the press,[207] but rival journalists dismissed these as "a mythical outgrowth of the reporter's fancy".[208] John Pizer, a local Jew who made footwear from leather, was known by the name "Leather Apron"[209] and was arrested, even though the investigating inspector reported that "at present there is no evidence whatsoever against him".[210] He was soon released after the confirmation of his alibis.[209] After the publication of the "Dear Boss" letter, "Jack the Ripper" supplanted "Leather Apron" as the name adopted by the press and public to describe the killer.[211] The name "Jack" was already used to describe another fabled London attacker: "Spring-heeled Jack", who supposedly leapt over walls to strike at his victims and escape as quickly as he came.[212] The invention and adoption of a nickname for a particular killer became standard media practice with examples such as the Axeman of New Orleans, the Boston Strangler, and the Beltway Sniper. Examples derived from Jack the Ripper include the French Ripper, the Düsseldorf Ripper, the Camden Ripper, the Blackout Ripper, Jack the Stripper, the Yorkshire Ripper, and the Rostov Ripper. Sensational press reports combined with the fact that no one was ever convicted of the murders have confused scholarly analysis and created a legend that casts a shadow over later serial killers.[213] Legacy A phantom brandishing a knife floats through a slum street The 'Nemesis of Neglect': Jack the Ripper depicted as a phantom stalking Whitechapel, and as an embodiment of social neglect, in a Punch cartoon of 1888 The nature of the Ripper murders and the impoverished lifestyle of the victims[214] drew attention to the poor living conditions in the East End[215] and galvanised public opinion against the overcrowded, insanitary slums.[216] In the two decades after the murders, the worst of the slums were cleared and demolished,[217] but the streets and some buildings survive, and the legend of the Ripper is still promoted by various guided tours of the murder sites and other locations pertaining to the case.[218] For many years, the Ten Bells public house in Commercial Street (which had been frequented by at least one of the canonical Ripper victims) was the focus of such tours.[219] In the immediate aftermath of the murders and later, "Jack the Ripper became the children's bogey man."[220] Depictions were often phantasmic or monstrous. In the 1920s and 1930s, he was depicted in film dressed in everyday clothes as a man with a hidden secret, preying on his unsuspecting victims; atmosphere and evil were suggested through lighting effects and shadowplay.[221] By the 1960s, the Ripper had become "the symbol of a predatory aristocracy",[221] and was more often portrayed in a top hat dressed as a gentleman. The Establishment as a whole became the villain, with the Ripper acting as a manifestation of upper-class exploitation.[222] The image of the Ripper merged with or borrowed symbols from horror stories, such as Dracula's cloak or Victor Frankenstein's organ harvest.[223] The fictional world of the Ripper can fuse with multiple genres, ranging from Sherlock Holmes to Japanese erotic horror.[224] Jack the Ripper features in hundreds of works of fiction and works which straddle the boundaries between fact and fiction, including the Ripper letters and a hoax diary: The Diary of Jack the Ripper.[225] The Ripper appears in novels, short stories, poems, comic books, games, songs, plays, operas, television programmes, and films. More than 100 non-fiction works deal exclusively with the Jack the Ripper murders, making this case one of the most written-about in the true-crime genre.[161] The term "ripperology" was coined by Colin Wilson in the 1970s to describe the study of the case by professionals and amateurs.[226][227] The periodicals Ripperana, Ripperologist, and Ripper Notes publish their research.[228] In 2006, a BBC History magazine poll selected Jack the Ripper as the worst Briton in history.[229][230] In 2015, the Jack the Ripper Museum opened in east London. It attracted criticism from both Tower Hamlets mayor John Biggs[231] and protestors.[232] Similar protests occurred in 2021 when the second of two "Jack The Chipper" fish and chip shops opened in Greenwich, with some patrons threatening to boycott the premises.[233] See also icon London portal History portal Jack the Ripper in fiction List of fugitives from justice who disappeared List of murderers by number of victims List of serial killers before 1900 List of serial killers in the United Kingdom Notes The full name of this individual is believed to be Thomas J. Bulling.[193][194] References Serial Killers: True Crime ISBN 978-0-7835-0001-0 p. 93 Kershen, Anne J., "The Immigrant Community of Whitechapel at the Time of the Jack the Ripper Murders", in Werner, pp. 65–97; Vaughan, Laura, "Mapping the East End Labyrinth", in Werner, p. 225 Honeycombe, The Murders of the Black Museum: 1870-1970, p. 54 Life and Labour of the People in London (London: Macmillan, 1902–1903) Archived 3 February 2011 at the Wayback Machine (The Charles Booth on-line archive) retrieved 5 August 2008 London, Novels and Social Writings, p. 147 "Jack the Ripper: Why Does a Serial Killer Who Disembowelled Women Deserve a Museum?". The Telegraph. 30 July 2015. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 21 February 2020. Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 1; Police report dated 25 October 1888, MEPO 3/141 ff. 158–163, quoted in Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 283; Fido, p. 82; Rumbelow, p. 12 Rumbelow, p. 14 Rumbelow, Jack the Ripper: The Complete Casebook, p. 30 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, pp. 131–149; Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 38–42; Rumbelow, pp. 21–22 Marriott, John, "The Imaginative Geography of the Whitechapel murders", in Werner, pp. 31–63 Haggard, Robert F. (1993), "Jack the Ripper As the Threat of Outcast London", Essays in History, vol. 35, Corcoran Department of History at the University of Virginia Woods and Baddeley, p. 20 The Crimes, London Metropolitan Police, archived from the original on 29 January 2017, retrieved 1 October 2014 Cook, pp. 33–34; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 3 Cook, p. 151 Keppel, Robert D.; Weis, Joseph G.; Brown, Katherine M.; Welch, Kristen (2005), "The Jack the Ripper murders: a modus operandi and signature analysis of the 1888–1891 Whitechapel murders", Journal of Investigative Psychology and Offender Profiling, 2 (1): 1–21, doi:10.1002/jip.22 Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 47–55 "Locality of the Whitechapel Women-Murders". Reynold's News. 11 November 1888. Retrieved 4 June 2023. Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, pp. 29–30 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, pp. 27–28; Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 47–50; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 4–7 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 28; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 4–7 e.g. The Star, 8 September 1888, quoted in Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, pp. 155–156 and Cook, p. 62 Davenport-Hines, Richard (2004). "Jack the Ripper (fl. 1888)" Archived 25 July 2015 at the Wayback Machine, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. Subscription required for online version. Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, pp. 29–31; Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 47–50; Marriott, Trevor, pp. 5–7 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 35 Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History ISBN 0-582-50631-X p. 63 The Crimes, Detection and Death of Jack the Ripper ISBN 978-1-566-19537-9 p. 17 Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 51–55 Waddell, p. 75 Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 51–55; Marriott, Trevor, p. 13 3000 Facts about Historic Figures ISBN 978-0-244-67383-3 p. 171 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 43 Whittington-Egan, The Murder Almanac, p. 91 "Old Wounds: Re-examining the Buck's Row Murder". casebook.org. 2 April 2004. Archived from the original on 25 January 2021. Retrieved 4 September 2020. "Another Horrible Tragedy in Whitechapel". casebook.org. 2 April 2004. Archived from the original on 18 January 2021. Retrieved 2 September 2020. Eddleston, p. 21; Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 60–61; Rumbelow, pp. 24–27 Rumbelow, p. 42 Honeycombe, The Murders of the Black Museum: 1870-1970, pp. 55-56 Jack the Ripper – Through the Mists of Time ISBN 978-1-782-28168-9 p. 21 Marriott, Trevor, pp. 26–29; Rumbelow, p. 42 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 76 Jack the Ripper ISBN 978-0-760-78716-8 p. 36 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 153; Cook, p. 163; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 98; Marriott, Trevor, pp. 59–75 Holmes, Profiling Violent Crimes: An Investigative Tool, p. 233 Naming Jack the Ripper: New Crime Scene Evidence, A Stunning Forensic Breakthrough ISBN 978-1-447-26423-1 p. 60 Cook, p. 157; Marriott, Trevor, pp. 81–125 Wilson et al., p. 38 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, pp. 176–184 "The Whitechapel Murders: Rewards Offered". Birmingham Daily Post. 2 October 1888. Retrieved 12 October 2021. Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 177 Foul Deeds and Suspicious Deaths in London's East End ISBN 978-1-845-63001-0 p. 88 Jack the Ripper – Through the Mists of Time ISBN 978-1-782-28168-9 p. 27 "Catherine Eddowes a.k.a. Kate Kelly". casebook.org. 1 January 2010. Archived from the original on 13 January 2021. Retrieved 27 April 2020. Medical report in Coroner's Inquests, no. 135, Corporation of London Records, quoted in Evans and Skinner, pp. 205–207 and Fido, pp. 70–74 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 171 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, pp. 193–194; Chief Inspector Swanson's report, 6 November 1888, HO 144/221/A49301C, quoted in Evans and Skinner, pp. 185–188 e.g. Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 30; Rumbelow, p. 118 Ripper Notes: The Legend Continues ISBN 978-0-978-91122-5 p. 35 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 179 Eddleston, p. 171 Cook, p. 143; Fido, pp. 47–52; Sugden, p. 254 Letter from Charles Warren to Godfrey Lushington, Permanent Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, 6 November 1888, HO 144/221/A49301C, quoted in Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 183–184 "The Whitechapel Murders: A Startling Discovery". The Lancaster Gazette. 13 October 1888. Retrieved 26 May 2022. "The Seventh Murder in Whitechapel: A Story of Unparalleled Atrocity". The Pall Mall Gazette. 10 November 1888. Retrieved 22 March 2022. Foul Deeds and Suspicious Deaths in London's East End ISBN 978-1-781-59662-3 p. 95 Holmes, Profiling Violent Crimes: An Investigative Tool, p. 239 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, pp. 292–293 Thomas Bond "notes of examination of body of woman found murdered & mutilated in Dorset Street" MEPO 3/3153 ff. 12–14, quoted in Sugden, pp. 315, 319 Eddleston, p. 63 e.g. Daily Telegraph, 10 November 1888, quoted in Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 339–340 Macnaghten's notes quoted by Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 584–587; Fido, p. 98 Eddleston, p. 70 Cook, p. 151; Woods and Baddeley, p. 85 Macnaghten's notes quoted by Cook, p. 151; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 584–587 and Rumbelow, p. 140 Letter from Thomas Bond to Robert Anderson, 10 November 1888, HO 144/221/A49301C, quoted in Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 360–362 and Rumbelow, pp. 145–147 e.g. Cook, pp. 156–159, 199 Evans and Rumbelow, p. 260 Interview in the East London Observer, 14 May 1910, quoted in Cook, pp. 179–180 and Evans and Rumbelow, p. 239 Marriott, Trevor, pp. 231–234; Rumbelow, p. 157 "The Whitechapel Murders: The Belief that the Perpetrator of the Crimes is Now Dead". Sioux City Journal. 8 July 1895. Retrieved 4 June 2023. "Frances Coles: Murdered 13 February 1891". jack-the-ripper.org. 2 April 2010. Archived from the original on 8 February 2021. Retrieved 4 February 2021. Alias Jack the Ripper: Beyond the Usual Whitechapel Suspects ISBN 978-1-476-62973-5 p. 179 Jack the Ripper: The Forgotten Victims ISBN 978-1-306-47495-5 p. 125 Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 245–246; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 422–439 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 314 "Rose Mylett (1862–1888)". casebook.org. 1 January 2010. Archived from the original on 20 October 2019. Retrieved 19 April 2020. "Alice McKenzie a.k.a. "Clay Pipe" Alice, Alice Bryant". casebook.org. 1 January 2010. Archived from the original on 23 January 2021. Retrieved 26 April 2020. Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 208–209; Rumbelow, p. 131 Evans and Rumbelow, p. 209 Marriott, Trevor, p. 195 Eddleston, p. 129 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 316 The Thames Torso Murders of Victorian London ISBN 978-1-476-61665-0 p. 159 Evans and Rumbelow, p. 210; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 480–515 Fido, p. 113; Evans and Skinner (2000), pp. 551–557 Waddell, p. 80 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 317 "The Whitechapel Tragedy". The Cheshire Observer. 28 February 1891. Retrieved 11 February 2022. Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 218–222; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 551–568 Evans, Stewart P.; Connell, Nicholas (2000). The Man Who Hunted Jack the Ripper. ISBN 1-902791-05-3 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, pp. 21–25 "The Importance of Fairy Fay, and Her Link to Emma Smith". casebook.org. 1 January 2010. Archived from the original on 23 January 2021. Retrieved 25 April 2020. Fido, p. 15 The name "Fairy Fay" was first used by Terrence Robinson in Reynold's News, 29 October 1950, "for want of a better name". Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 3 Sugden pp. 5–6 The Eastern Post and City Chronicle, 7 April 1888 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 26 Beadle, William (2009), Jack the Ripper: Unmasked, London: John Blake, ISBN 978-1-84454-688-6, p. 75 Beadle, p. 77; Fido, p. 16 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 27 e.g. East London Advertiser, 31 March 1888 Beadle, p. 207 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, pp. 311–312 Beadle, p. 207; Evans and Rumbelow, p. 202; Fido, p. 100 "Casebook: Annie Farmer". casebook.org. 2 April 2004. Retrieved 11 June 2021. Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 142–144 "Scotland Yard is Built on a Crime Scene Related to an Unsolved Murder: The Whitehall Mystery". The Vintage News. 29 October 2016. Archived from the original on 6 August 2020. Retrieved 19 April 2020. Gordon, R. Michael (2002), The Thames Torso Murders of Victorian London, Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company, ISBN 978-0-7864-1348-5 Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 210–213 "Elizabeth Jackson". casebook.org. 2 April 2004. Archived from the original on 23 January 2021. Retrieved 27 January 2021. Gordon, R. Michael (2003), The American Murders of Jack the Ripper, Santa Barbara, California: Greenwood Publishing, ISBN 978-0-275-98155-6, pp. xxii, 190 "Unsettling Tale of Murder in Victorian Bradford". Telegraph and Argus. 21 November 2017. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 8 May 2020. Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 136 Vanderlinden, Wolf (2003–04). "The New York Affair", in Ripper Notes part one No. 16 (July 2003); part two No. 17 (January 2004), part three No. 19 (July 2004 ISBN 0-9759129-0-9) "Home: Introduction to the Case". casebook.org. 1 January 2010. Archived from the original on 13 January 2021. Retrieved 16 April 2020. Canter, David (1994). 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Inspector Donald Swanson's report to the Home Office, 19 October 1888, HO 144/221/A49301C, quoted in Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 205; Evans and Rumbelow, p. 113; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 125 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 184 The Enduring Mystery of Jack the Ripper, London Metropolitan Police, archived from the original on 4 February 2010, retrieved 31 January 2010 Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 675 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 205; Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 84–85 Rumbelow, p. 274 Inspector Donald Swanson's report to the Home Office, 19 October 1888, HO 144/221/A49301C, quoted in Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 206 and Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 125 Marriott, John, "The Imaginative Geography of the Whitechapel murders", in Werner, p. 48 Rumbelow, p. 93; Daily Telegraph, 10 November 1888, quoted in Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 341 Robert Anderson to Home Office, 10 January 1889, 144/221/A49301C ff. 235–6, quoted in Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 399 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 57 Jack the Ripper – Through the Mists of Time ISBN 978-1-782-28168-9 p. 22 Officer, Lawrence H.; Williamson, Samuel H. (2023), Five Ways to Compute the Relative Value of a UK Pound Amount, 1270 to Present, MeasuringWorth, retrieved 19 February 2023 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Facts, p. 128 e.g. Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 245–252 Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 186–187; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 359–360 Canter, pp. 5–6 Woods and Baddeley, p. 38 See also later contemporary editions of Richard von Krafft-Ebing's Psychopathia Sexualis, quoted in Woods and Baddeley, p. 111 Evans and Rumbelow, pp. 187–188, 261; Woods and Baddeley, pp. 121–122 Cook, p. 31 Marks, Kathy (18 May 2006). "Was Jack the Ripper a Woman?" Archived 12 December 2020 at the Wayback Machine The Independent, retrieved 5 May 2009 Meikle, p. 197; Rumbelow, p. 246 Connor, Steven (7 September 2014), "Jack the Ripper: Has Notorious Serial Killer's Identity Been Revealed by New DNA Evidence?", The Independent, archived from the original on 12 July 2020, retrieved 1 September 2017 Marriott, Trevor, p. 205; Rumbelow, p. 263; Sugden, p. 266 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 43 Woods and Baddeley, pp. 111–114 "So You Want to Be a "Ripperologist"?". casebook.org. 2 April 2004. Retrieved 25 October 2021. "7 People Suspected of Being Jack the Ripper". history.com. 16 July 2015. Archived from the original on 14 October 2020. Retrieved 14 October 2020. "Casebook: Jack the Ripper: Lewis Carroll". casebook.org. 2 April 2004. Retrieved 9 November 2022. Evans and Rumbelow, p. 261 e.g. Frederick Abberline in the Pall Mall Gazette, 31 March 1903, quoted in Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 264 Whiteway, Ken (2004). "A Guide to the Literature of Jack the Ripper", Canadian Law Library Review, vol. 29 pp. 219–229 Eddleston, pp. 195–244 Whittington-Egan, pp. 91–92 Donald McCormick estimated "probably at least 2000" (quoted in Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 180). The Illustrated Police News of 20 October 1888 said that around 700 letters had been investigated by police (quoted in Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 199). Over 300 are preserved at the Corporation of London Records Office (Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 149). Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 165; Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 105; Rumbelow, pp. 105–116 "Letters to Police, Signed "Jack the Ripper," are Practical Jokes". The Yorkshire Herald. 8 October 1888. Retrieved 5 August 2021. Over 200 are preserved at the Public Record Office (Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, pp. 8, 180). Fido, pp. 6–10; Marriott, Trevor, pp. 219 ff. Cook, pp. 76–77; Evans and Rumbelow, p. 137; Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, pp. 16–18; Woods and Baddeley, pp. 48–49 Cook, pp. 78–79; Marriott, Trevor, p. 221 Cook, p. 79; Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 179; Marriott, Trevor, p. 221 Cook, pp. 77–78; Evans and Rumbelow, p. 140; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 193; Fido, p. 7 Cook, p. 87; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 652 "The Whitechapel Horrors: An Exciting Week". casebook.org. 2 April 2004. Retrieved 8 November 2021. "The Whitechapel Murder: The Inquest". The Leeds Mercury. 13 November 1888. Retrieved 22 June 2022. Eddleston, p. 155; Marriott, Trevor, p. 223 Marriott, Trevor, p. 223 Marriott, Trevor, pp. 219–222 Cook, pp. 79–80; Fido, pp. 8–9; Marriott, Trevor, pp. 219–222; Rumbelow, p. 123 e.g. Cullen, Tom (1965), Autumn of Terror, London: The Bodley Head, p. 103 Sugden p.269 "The Whitechapel Murders". The Kiama Independent and Shoalhaven Advertiser. 20 November 1888. Retrieved 18 November 2021. Evans and Rumbelow, p. 170; Fido, pp. 78–80 The Hype and the Press Speculation, London Metropolitan Police, archived from the original on 29 January 2017, retrieved 1 October 2014 Wolf, Gunter (2008), "A kidney from hell? A nephrological view of the Whitechapel murders in 1888", Nephrology Dialysis Transplantation, 23 (10): 3343–3349, doi:10.1093/ndt/gfn198, PMID 18408073 Cook, p. 146; Fido, p. 78 Jack the Ripper 'Letter' Made Public Archived 1 August 2017 at the Wayback Machine, BBC, 19 April 2001, retrieved 2 January 2010 Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, pp. 32–33 Letter from Charles Warren to Godfrey Lushington, 10 October 1888, Metropolitan Police Archive MEPO 1/48, quoted in Cook, p. 78; Evans and Rumbelow, p. 140 and Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 43 Quoted in Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, pp. 41, 52 and Woods and Baddeley, p. 54 Cook, pp. 94–95; Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters From Hell, pp. 45–48; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, pp. 624–633; Marriott, Trevor, pp. 219–222; Rumbelow, pp. 121–122 Quoted in Cook, pp. 96–97; Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, p. 49; Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 193; and Marriott, Trevor, p. 254 "A Look at Some of the Known Letter Writers". jack-the-ripper.org. 2 April 2010. Retrieved 5 August 2023. Westcott, Thomas C. (2 April 2004). "Thomas Bulling and the Myth of the London Journalist". casebook.org. Retrieved 5 August 2023. Professor Francis E. Camps, August 1966, "More on Jack the Ripper", Crime and Detection, quoted in Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, pp. 51–52 Woods and Baddeley, pp. 20, 52 "Education in England: A History". educationengland.org.uk. 1 June 1998. Archived from the original on 26 February 2021. Retrieved 14 September 2020. Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 208 Curtis, L. Perry, Jr. (2001). Jack the Ripper and the London Press. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-08872-8 "Jack the Ripper". psychologytoday.com. 27 January 2004. Archived from the original on 31 March 2021. Retrieved 23 January 2020. "Murderers Who Haunt the Screen". Borehamwood & Elstree Times. 30 November 2006. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 23 January 2020. "Horror Upon Horror. Whitechapel is Panic-stricken at Another Fiendish Crime. A Fourth Victim of the Maniac". casebook.org. 1 January 2010. Archived from the original on 18 January 2021. Retrieved 1 June 2020. "John Pizer". casebook.org. 1 January 2010. Archived from the original on 24 November 2020. Retrieved 1 June 2020. Ignacio Peyro (29 October 2018). "Who Was Jack the Ripper?". nationalgeographic.co.uk. Archived from the original on 31 March 2021. Retrieved 1 June 2020. Manchester Guardian, 6 September 1888, quoted in Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 98 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 214 e.g. Manchester Guardian, 10 September 1888, and Austin Statesman, 5 September 1888, quoted in Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, pp. 98–99; The Star, 5 September 1888, quoted in Evans and Rumbelow, p. 80 Leytonstone Express and Independent, 8 September 1888, quoted in Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 99 e.g. Marriott, Trevor, p. 251; Rumbelow, p. 49 Report by Inspector Joseph Helson, CID 'J' Division, in the Metropolitan Police archive, MEPO 3/140 ff. 235–8, quoted in Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 99 and Evans and Skinner, The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook, p. 24 Evans and Skinner, Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell, pp. 13, 86; Fido, p. 7 Ackroyd, Peter, "Introduction", in Werner, p. 10; Rivett and Whitehead, p. 11 Marriott, John, "The Imaginative Geography of the Whitechapel murders", in Werner, p. 54 "The Whitechapel Murders". Western Mail. 17 November 1888. Archived from the original on 2 December 2020. Retrieved 9 February 2020. Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, pp. 1–2; Rivett and Whitehead, p. 15 Cook, pp. 139–141; Vaughan, Laura, "Mapping the East End Labyrinth", in Werner, pp. 236–237 Dennis, Richard, "Common Lodgings and 'Furnished Rooms': Housing in 1880s Whitechapel", in Werner, pp. 177–179 Rumbelow, p. xv; Woods and Baddeley, p. 136 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 19 Dew, Walter (1938). I Caught Crippen. London: Blackie and Son. p. 126, quoted in Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 198 Bloom, Clive, "Jack the Ripper – A Legacy in Pictures", in Werner, p. 251 Woods and Baddeley, p. 150 Bloom, Clive, "Jack the Ripper – A Legacy in Pictures", in Werner, pp. 252–253 Bloom, Clive, "Jack the Ripper – A Legacy in Pictures", in Werner, pp. 255–260 Begg, Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History, p. 299; Marriott, Trevor, pp. 272–277; Rumbelow, pp. 251–253 Woods and Baddeley, pp. 70, 124 Evans, Stewart P. (April 2003). "Ripperology, A Term Coined By ...", Ripper Notes, copies at Wayback and Casebook Archived 16 October 2011 at the Wayback Machine Creaton, Heather (April 2003), "Recent Scholarship on Jack the Ripper and the Victorian Media", Reviews in History (333), archived from the original on 28 September 2006, retrieved 20 June 2018 "Jack the Ripper is 'Worst Briton'" Archived 3 February 2009 at the Wayback Machine, 31 January 2006, BBC, retrieved 4 December 2009 Woods and Baddeley, p. 176 Khomami, Nadia (5 August 2015). "Jack the Ripper Museum Architect Says He was 'Duped' Over Change of Plans". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 20 November 2020. Brooke, Mike (6 November 2017). "Jack the Ripper Museum Besieged by Women Protesters in Cable Street Again". East London Advertiser. Archived from the original on 21 September 2020. Retrieved 20 November 2020. Bennett-Ness, Jamie (17 August 2021). "Locals Boycott Greenwich Chippy Named 'Jack the Chipper'". News Shopper. Retrieved 19 August 2021. Sources Begg, Paul (2003). Jack the Ripper: The Definitive History. London: Pearson Education. ISBN 0-582-50631-X Begg, Paul (2004). Jack the Ripper: The Facts. Barnes & Noble Books. ISBN 978-0-760-77121-1 Bell, Neil R. A. (2016). Capturing Jack the Ripper: In the Boots of a Bobby in Victorian England. Stroud: Amberley Publishing. ISBN 978-1-445-62162-3 Cook, Andrew (2009). Jack the Ripper. Stroud, Gloucestershire: Amberley Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84868-327-3 Curtis, Lewis Perry (2001). Jack The Ripper & The London Press. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-08872-8 Eddleston, John J. (2002). Jack the Ripper: An Encyclopedia. London: Metro Books. ISBN 1-84358-046-2 Evans, Stewart P.; Rumbelow, Donald (2006). Jack the Ripper: Scotland Yard Investigates. Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing. ISBN 0-7509-4228-2 Evans, Stewart P.; Skinner, Keith (2000). The Ultimate Jack the Ripper Sourcebook: An Illustrated Encyclopedia. London: Constable and Robinson. ISBN 1-84119-225-2 Evans, Stewart P.; Skinner, Keith (2001). Jack the Ripper: Letters from Hell. Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing. ISBN 0-7509-2549-3 Fido, Martin (1987), The Crimes, Detection and Death of Jack the Ripper, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, ISBN 0-297-79136-2 Gordon, R. Michael (2000). Alias Jack the Ripper: Beyond the Usual Whitechapel Suspects. North Carolina: McFarland Publishing. ISBN 978-0-786-40898-6 Holmes, Ronald M.; Holmes, Stephen T. (2002). Profiling Violent Crimes: An Investigative Tool. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, Inc. ISBN 0-7619-2594-5 Honeycombe, Gordon (1982), The Murders of the Black Museum: 1870–1970, London: Bloomsbury Books, ISBN 978-0-863-79040-9 London, Jack (1984). Novels and Social Writings. Cambridgeshire: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-26213-2 Lynch, Terry; Davies, David (2008). Jack the Ripper: The Whitechapel Murderer. Hertfordshire: Wordsworth Editions. ISBN 978-1-840-22077-3 Marriott, Trevor (2005). Jack the Ripper: The 21st Century Investigation. London: John Blake. ISBN 1-84454-103-7 Meikle, Denis (2002). Jack the Ripper: The Murders and the Movies. Richmond, Surrey: Reynolds and Hearn Ltd. ISBN 1-903111-32-3 Rivett, Miriam; Whitehead, Mark (2006). Jack the Ripper. Harpenden, Hertfordshire: Pocket Essentials. ISBN 978-1-904048-69-5 Rumbelow, Donald (1990). Jack the Ripper. The Complete Casebook. New York City: Berkley Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-425-11869-6 Rumbelow, Donald (2004). The Complete Jack the Ripper. Fully Revised and Updated. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-017395-6 Sugden, Philip (2002). The Complete History of Jack the Ripper. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers. ISBN 0-7867-0276-1 Thurgood, Peter (2013). Abberline: The Man Who Hunted Jack the Ripper. Cheltenham: The History Press Ltd. ISBN 978-0-752-48810-3 Waddell, Bill (1993). The Black Museum: New Scotland Yard. London: Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 978-0-316-90332-5 Werner, Alex (editor, 2008). Jack the Ripper and the East End. London: Chatto & Windus. ISBN 978-0-7011-8247-2 Whittington-Egan, Richard; Whittington-Egan, Molly (1992). The Murder Almanac. Glasgow: Neil Wilson Publishing. ISBN 978-1-897-78404-4 Whittington-Egan, Richard (2013). Jack the Ripper: The Definitive Casebook. Stroud: Amberley Publishing. ISBN 978-1-445-61768-8 Wilson, Colin; Odell, Robin; Gaute, J. H. H. (1988). Jack the Ripper: Summing up and Verdict. London: Corgi Publishing. ISBN 978-0-552-12858-2 Woods, Paul; Baddeley, Gavin (2009). Saucy Jack: The Elusive Ripper. Hersham, Surrey: Ian Allan Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7110-3410-5 External links Listen to this article (39 minutes) Duration: 38 minutes and 37 seconds.38:37Spoken Wikipedia icon This audio file was created from a revision of this article dated 5 March 2011, and does not reflect subsequent edits. (Audio help · More spoken articles) Media related to Jack the Ripper at Wikimedia Commons Quotations related to Jack the Ripper at Wikiquote Wikisource logo Works by or about Jack the Ripper at Wikisource Jack the Ripper at casebook.org Home page of jack-the-ripper.org Jack the Ripper: The 1888 Autumn of Terror at whitechapeljack.com Contemporaneous news article pertaining to the murders committed by Jack the Ripper 1988 centennial investigation into the murders committed by Jack the Ripper compiled by the Federal Bureau of Investigation 2014 news article focusing upon modern geographic profiling techniques used to discover the most likely location Jack the Ripper lived Letters claiming to be from Jack the Ripper at nationalarchives.gov.uk Jack the Ripper at the Encyclopædia Britannica Article focusing upon the murders committed by Jack the Ripper published by the Texas State University vte Jack the Ripper Canonical victims Annie ChapmanCatherine EddowesMary Jane KellyMary Ann NicholsElizabeth Stride Police Frederick AbberlineRobert AndersonWalter AndrewsThomas ArnoldWalter DewGeorge GodleyMelville MacnaghtenHenry MooreEdmund ReidDonald SwansonCharles WarrenAdolphus Williamson Doctors and coroners Wynne Edwin BaxterThomas BondRoderick MacdonaldThomas Horrocks OpenshawGeorge Bagster Phillips Witnesses George HutchinsonJoseph LawendeCharles Allen LechmereIsrael Schwartz Letters and clues Dear Boss letterSaucy Jacky postcardFrom Hell letterOpenshaw letterGoulston Street graffito Locations Buck's RowDorset StreetFlower and Dean StreetHanbury StreetMitre SquareTen Bells Related George LuskWhitechapel Vigilance CommitteeConspiracy theoriesFictionSuspectsJack the Ripper MuseumWhitechapel murders Category vte Jack the Ripper in fiction Seminal works The LodgerJack the Ripper: The Final Solution Letters "Dear Boss" letter"From Hell" letter"Saucy Jacky" postcard Film Waxworks (1924)The Lodger: A Story of the London Fog (1927)Pandora's Box (1929)The Lodger (1932)The Lodger (1944)Room to Let (1950)Man in the Attic (1953)Jack the Ripper (1959)Lulu (1962)A Study in Terror (1965)Hands of the Ripper (1971)Dr. Jekyll and Sister Hyde (1971)The Ruling Class (1972)What the Swedish Butler Saw (1975)Jack the Ripper (1976)Murder by Decree (1979)Time After Time (1979)Jack's Back (1988)Edge of Sanity (1989)Deadly Advice (1994)Ripper (2001)From Hell (2001)Bad Karma (2002)Case Closed: The Phantom of Baker Street (2002)Ripper 2: Letter from Within (2004)The Lodger (2009)Holmes & Watson. Madrid Days (2012)Batman: Gotham by Gaslight (2018) Parody Bizarre, Bizarre (1937)The Phantom Raspberry Blower of Old London Town (1976)Amazon Women on the Moon (1987) Music "Jack the Ripper" (1963)"The Ripper" (1976)"Killer on the Loose" (1980)The Somatic Defilement (2007)Jack the Ripper vs. Hannibal Lecter (2014) Stage Earth Spirit (1895 play)Pandora's Box (1904 play)Lulu (1937 opera)The Lodger (1960 opera)The Ruling Class (1968 play) Comics Blood of the Innocent (1985)Gotham by Gaslight (1989)From Hell (1989–98)Wonder Woman: Amazonia (1997)The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen, Volume III: Century (2009) Literature Sherlock Holmes The Last Sherlock Holmes Story (1978)The Whitechapel Horrors (1992)Sherlock Holmes: The Unauthorized Biography (2005)Dust and Shadow (2009)The Ripper Legacy (2016) Short stories "A Toy for Juliette" (1967)"The Prowler in the City at the Edge of the World" (1967) Other A Feast Unknown (1969)Time After Time (1979)Night of the Ripper (1984)Phantom Blood (1987)Naomi's Room (1991)Anno Dracula (1992)A Night in the Lonesome October (1993)Jack the Ripper, Light-Hearted Friend (1996)Matrix (1998)Lost (2001)Portrait of a Killer: Jack the Ripper—Case Closed (2002)Blood and Fog (2003)The Witches of Chiswick (2003)Broken (2006)Darkside (2007)Lifeblood (2007)Dracula the Un-dead (2009)I, Ripper (2015)The Cutthroat (2017) Television Series Jack the Ripper (1973)Jack the Ripper (1988)Sanctuary (2007–11)Whitechapel (2009–13)Ripper Street (2012–17)Time After Time (2017)Case File nº221: Kabukicho (2019–20)Sherlock in Russia (2020)Beforeigners (2019–present) Episodes "Wolf in the Fold" (1967)"Comes the Inquisitor" (1995)"Ripper" (1999)"Sanctuary for All" (2008) Other Bridge Across Time (1985 TV film) Video games Jack the Ripper (1987)The Lost Files of Sherlock Holmes (1992)Ripper (1996)Duke Nukem: Zero Hour (1999)Shadow Man (1999)MediEvil 2 (2000)Jack the Ripper (2004)Sherlock Holmes Versus Jack the Ripper (2009)The Ripper (canceled)The Order: 1886 (2015)Assassin's Creed Syndicate: Jack the Ripper (2015)Dance of Death: Du Lac & Fey (2019) Other Casebook: Jack the RipperBlood!: The Life and Future Times of Jack the Ripper Category Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FASTISNIVIAF National FranceBnF dataGermanyIsraelUnited StatesCzech RepublicAustraliaNetherlands People Deutsche BiographieTrove Other IdRef Categories: Jack the Ripper1888 in London19th-century English criminalsEnglish serial killersHistory of the City of LondonHistory of the City of London PoliceHistory of the London Borough of Tower HamletsHistory of the Metropolitan PoliceLondon crime historyMurder in LondonNicknames in crimePeople of the Victorian eraUnidentified British serial killersWhitechapel Evil Article Talk Read View source View history Tools Page semi-protected From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia For other uses, see Evil (disambiguation). Sendan Kendatsuba, one of the eight guardians of Buddhist law, banishing evil in one of the five paintings of Extermination of Evil. Evil, or being bad, in a general sense, is acting out morally incorrect behavior, or the condition of causing unnecessary pain and suffering, thus, containing a net negative on the world.[1] Evil is commonly seen as the opposite or sometimes absence of good. It can be an extremely broad concept, although in everyday usage it is often more narrowly used to talk about profound wickedness and against common good. It is generally seen as taking multiple possible forms, such as the form of personal moral evil commonly associated with the word, or impersonal natural evil (as in the case of natural disasters or illnesses), and in religious thought, the form of the demonic or supernatural/eternal.[2] While some religions, world views, and philosophies focus on "good versus evil", others deny evil's existence and usefulness in describing people. Evil can denote profound immorality,[3] but typically not without some basis in the understanding of the human condition, where strife and suffering (cf. Hinduism) are the true roots of evil. In certain religious contexts, evil has been described as a supernatural force.[3] Definitions of evil vary, as does the analysis of its motives.[4] Elements that are commonly associated with personal forms of evil involve unbalanced behavior including anger, revenge, hatred, psychological trauma, expediency, selfishness, ignorance, destruction and neglect.[5] In some forms of thought, evil is also sometimes perceived as the dualistic antagonistic binary opposite to good,[6] in which good should prevail and evil should be defeated.[7] In cultures with Buddhist spiritual influence, both good and evil are perceived as part of an antagonistic duality that itself must be overcome through achieving Nirvana.[7] The ethical questions regarding good and evil are subsumed into three major areas of study:[8] meta-ethics concerning the nature of good and evil, normative ethics concerning how we ought to behave, and applied ethics concerning particular moral issues. While the term is applied to events and conditions without agency, the forms of evil addressed in this article presume one or more evildoers. Etymology The modern English word evil (Old English yfel) and its cognates such as the German Übel and Dutch euvel are widely considered to come from a Proto-Germanic reconstructed form of *ubilaz, comparable to the Hittite huwapp- ultimately from the Proto-Indo-European form *wap- and suffixed zero-grade form *up-elo-. Other later Germanic forms include Middle English evel, ifel, ufel, Old Frisian evel (adjective and noun), Old Saxon ubil, Old High German ubil, and Gothic ubils.[9] The root meaning of the word is of obscure origin though shown to be akin to modern German übel (noun: Übel, although the noun evil is normally translated as "das Böse") with the basic idea of social or religious transgression.[citation needed] Chinese moral philosophy Main articles: Confucius § Ethics, Confucianism, and Taoism § Ethics As with Buddhism, in Confucianism or Taoism there is no direct analogue to the way good and evil are opposed although reference to demonic influence is common in Chinese folk religion. Confucianism's primary concern is with correct social relationships and the behavior appropriate to the learned or superior man. Thus evil would correspond to wrong behavior. Still less does it map into Taoism, in spite of the centrality of dualism in that system[citation needed], but the opposite of the cardinal virtues of Taoism, compassion, moderation, and humility can be inferred to be the analogue of evil in it.[10][11] European philosophy In response to the practices of Nazi Germany, Hannah Arendt concluded that "the problem of evil would be the fundamental problem of postwar intellectual life in Europe", although such a focus did not come to fruition.[12] Spinoza Baruch Spinoza states By good, I understand that which we certainly know is useful to us. By evil, on the contrary, I understand that which we certainly know hinders us from possessing anything that is good.[13] Spinoza assumes a quasi-mathematical style and states these further propositions which he purports to prove or demonstrate from the above definitions in part IV of his Ethics:[13] Proposition 8 "Knowledge of good or evil is nothing but affect of joy or sorrow in so far as we are conscious of it." Proposition 30 "Nothing can be evil through that which it possesses in common with our nature, but in so far as a thing is evil to us it is contrary to us." Proposition 64 "The knowledge of evil is inadequate knowledge." Corollary "Hence it follows that if the human mind had none but adequate ideas, it would form no notion of evil." Proposition 65 "According to the guidance of reason, of two things which are good, we shall follow the greater good, and of two evils, follow the less." Proposition 68 "If men were born free, they would form no conception of good and evil so long as they were free." Psychology Carl Jung Carl Jung, in his book Answer to Job and elsewhere, depicted evil as the dark side of God.[14] People tend to believe evil is something external to them, because they project their shadow onto others. Jung interpreted the story of Jesus as an account of God facing his own shadow.[15] Philip Zimbardo In 2007, Philip Zimbardo suggested that people may act in evil ways as a result of a collective identity. This hypothesis, based on his previous experience from the Stanford prison experiment, was published in the book The Lucifer Effect: Understanding How Good People Turn Evil.[16] Milgram experiment Main article: Milgram experiment In 1961, Stanley Milgram began an experiment to help explain how thousands of ordinary, non-deviant, people could have reconciled themselves to a role in the Holocaust. Participants were led to believe they were assisting in an unrelated experiment in which they had to inflict electric shocks on another person. The experiment unexpectedly found that most could be led to inflict the electric shocks,[17] including shocks that would have been fatal if they had been real.[18] The participants tended to be uncomfortable and reluctant in the role. Nearly all stopped at some point to question the experiment, but most continued after being reassured.[17] A 2014 re-assessment of Milgram's work argued that the results should be interpreted with the "engaged followership" model: that people are not simply obeying the orders of a leader, but instead are willing to continue the experiment because of their desire to support the scientific goals of the leader and because of a lack of identification with the learner.[19][20] Thomas Blass argues that the experiment explains how people can be complicit in roles such as "the dispassionate bureaucrat who may have shipped Jews to Auschwitz with the same degree of routinization as potatoes to Bremerhaven". However, like James Waller, he argues that it cannot explain an event like the Holocaust. Unlike the perpetrators of the Holocaust, the participants in Milgram's experiment were reassured that their actions would cause little harm and had little time to contemplate their actions.[18][21] Religions Abrahamic Baháʼí Faith The Baháʼí Faith asserts that evil is non-existent and that it is a concept reflecting lack of good, just as cold is the state of no heat, darkness is the state of no light, forgetfulness the lacking of memory, ignorance the lacking of knowledge. All of these are states of lacking and have no real existence.[22] Thus, evil does not exist and is relative to man. `Abdu'l-Bahá, son of the founder of the religion, in Some Answered Questions states: "Nevertheless a doubt occurs to the mind—that is, scorpions and serpents are poisonous. Are they good or evil, for they are existing beings? Yes, a scorpion is evil in relation to man; a serpent is evil in relation to man; but in relation to themselves they are not evil, for their poison is their weapon, and by their sting they defend themselves."[22] Thus, evil is more of an intellectual concept than a true reality. Since God is good, and upon creating creation he confirmed it by saying it is Good (Genesis 1:31) evil cannot have a true reality.[22] Christianity See also: Devil in Christianity The devil, in opposition to the will of God, represents evil and tempts Christ, the personification of the character and will of God. Ary Scheffer, 1854. Christian theology draws its concept of evil from the Old and New Testaments. The Christian Bible exercises "the dominant influence upon ideas about God and evil in the Western world."[2] In the Old Testament, evil is understood to be an opposition to God as well as something unsuitable or inferior such as the leader of the fallen angels Satan[23] In the New Testament the Greek word poneros is used to indicate unsuitability, while kakos is used to refer to opposition to God in the human realm.[24] Officially, the Catholic Church extracts its understanding of evil from its canonical antiquity and the Dominican theologian, Thomas Aquinas, who in Summa Theologica defines evil as the absence or privation of good.[25] French-American theologian Henri Blocher describes evil, when viewed as a theological concept, as an "unjustifiable reality. In common parlance, evil is 'something' that occurs in the experience that ought not to be."[26] Islam See also: Islamic views on sin There is no concept of absolute evil in Islam, as a fundamental universal principle that is independent from and equal with good in a dualistic sense.[27] Although the Quran mentions the biblical forbidden tree, it never refers to it as the 'tree of knowledge of good and evil'.[27] Within Islam, it is considered essential to believe that all comes from God, whether it is perceived as good or bad by individuals; and things that are perceived as evil or bad are either natural events (natural disasters or illnesses) or caused by humanity's free will. Much more the behavior of beings with free will, then they disobey God's orders, harming others or putting themselves over God or others, is considered to be evil.[28] Evil does not necessarily refer to evil as an ontological or moral category, but often to harm or as the intention and consequence of an action, but also to unlawful actions.[27] Unproductive actions or those who do not produce benefits are also thought of as evil.[29] A typical understanding of evil is reflected by Al-Ash`ari founder of Asharism. Accordingly, qualifying something as evil depends on the circumstances of the observer. An event or an action itself is neutral, but it receives its qualification by God. Since God is omnipotent and nothing can exist outside of God's power, God's will determine, whether or not something is evil.[30] Rabbinic Judaism See also: Satan in Judaism In Judaism and Jewish theology, the existence of evil is presented as part of the idea of free will: if humans were created to be perfect, always and only doing good, being good would not mean much. For Jewish theology, it is important for humans to have the ability to choose the path of goodness, even in the face of temptation and yetzer hara (the inclination to do evil).[31][32] Ancient Egyptian Further information: Ancient Egyptian religion Evil in the religion of ancient Egypt is known as Isfet, "disorder/violence". It is the opposite of Maat, "order", and embodied by the serpent god Apep, who routinely attempts to kill the sun god Ra and is stopped by nearly every other deity. Isfet is not a primordial force, but the consequence of free will and an individual's struggle against the non-existence embodied by Apep, as evidenced by the fact that it was born from Ra's umbilical cord instead of being recorded in the religion's creation myths.[33] Indian Buddhism Main article: Buddhist ethics Extermination of Evil, The God of Heavenly Punishment, from the Chinese tradition of yin and yang. Late Heian period (12th-century Japan). The primal duality in Buddhism is between suffering and enlightenment, so the good vs. evil splitting has no direct analogue in it. One may infer from the general teachings of the Buddha that the catalogued causes of suffering are what correspond in this belief system to 'evil'.[34][35] Practically this can refer to 1) the three selfish emotions—desire, hate and delusion; and 2) to their expression in physical and verbal actions. Specifically, evil means whatever harms or obstructs the causes for happiness in this life, a better rebirth, liberation from samsara, and the true and complete enlightenment of a buddha (samyaksambodhi). "What is evil? Killing is evil, lying is evil, slandering is evil, abuse is evil, gossip is evil: envy is evil, hatred is evil, to cling to false doctrine is evil; all these things are evil. And what is the root of evil? Desire is the root of evil, illusion is the root of evil." Gautama Siddhartha, the founder of Buddhism, 563–483 BC. Hinduism In Hinduism, the concept of Dharma or righteousness clearly divides the world into good and evil, and clearly explains that wars have to be waged sometimes to establish and protect Dharma, this war is called Dharmayuddha. This division of good and evil is of major importance in both the Hindu epics of Ramayana and Mahabharata. The main emphasis in Hinduism is on bad action, rather than bad people. The Hindu holy text, the Bhagavad Gita, speaks of the balance of good and evil. When this balance goes off, divine incarnations come to help to restore this balance.[36] Sikhism In adherence to the core principle of spiritual evolution, the Sikh idea of evil changes depending on one's position on the path to liberation. At the beginning stages of spiritual growth, good and evil may seem neatly separated. Once one's spirit evolves to the point where it sees most clearly, the idea of evil vanishes and the truth is revealed. In his writings Guru Arjan explains that, because God is the source of all things, what we believe to be evil must too come from God. And because God is ultimately a source of absolute good, nothing truly evil can originate from God.[37] Sikhism, like many other religions, does incorporate a list of "vices" from which suffering, corruption, and abject negativity arise. These are known as the Five Thieves, called such due to their propensity to cloud the mind and lead one astray from the prosecution of righteous action.[38] These are:[39] Moh, or Attachment Lobh, or Greed Karodh, or Wrath Kaam, or Lust Ahankar, or Egotism One who gives in to the temptations of the Five Thieves is known as "Manmukh", or someone who lives selfishly and without virtue. Inversely, the "Gurmukh, who thrive in their reverence toward divine knowledge, rise above vice via the practice of the high virtues of Sikhism. These are:[40] Sewa, or selfless service to others. Nam Simran, or meditation upon the divine name. Question of a universal definition A fundamental question is whether there is a universal, transcendent definition of evil, or whether one's definition of evil is determined by one's social or cultural background. C. S. Lewis, in The Abolition of Man, maintained that there are certain acts that are universally considered evil, such as rape and murder. However, the rape of women, by men, is found in every society, and there are more societies that see at least some versions of it, such as marital rape or punitive rape, as normative than there are societies that see all rape as non-normative (a crime).[41] In nearly all societies, killing except for defense or duty is seen as murder. Yet the definition of defense and duty varies from one society to another.[42] Social deviance is not uniformly defined across different cultures, and is not, in all circumstances, necessarily an aspect of evil.[43][44] Defining evil is complicated by its multiple, often ambiguous, common usages: evil is used to describe the whole range of suffering, including that caused by nature, and it is also used to describe the full range of human immorality from the "evil of genocide to the evil of malicious gossip".[45]: 321 It is sometimes thought of as the generic opposite of good. Marcus Singer asserts that these common connotations must be set aside as overgeneralized ideas that do not sufficiently describe the nature of evil.[46]: 185, 186 In contemporary philosophy, there are two basic concepts of evil: a broad concept and a narrow concept. A broad concept defines evil simply as any and all pain and suffering: "any bad state of affairs, wrongful action, or character flaw".[47] Yet, it is also asserted that evil cannot be correctly understood "(as some of the utilitarians once thought) [on] a simple hedonic scale on which pleasure appears as a plus, and pain as a minus".[48] This is because pain is necessary for survival.[49] Renowned orthopedist and missionary to lepers, Dr. Paul Brand explains that leprosy attacks the nerve cells that feel pain resulting in no more pain for the leper, which leads to ever increasing, often catastrophic, damage to the body of the leper.[50]: 9, 50–51 Congenital insensitivity to pain (CIP), also known as congenital analgesia, is a neurological disorder that prevents feeling pain. It "leads to ... bone fractures, multiple scars, osteomyelitis, joint deformities, and limb amputation ... Mental retardation is common. Death from hyperpyrexia occurs within the first 3 years of life in almost 20% of the patients."[51] Few with the disorder are able to live into adulthood.[52] Evil cannot be simply defined as all pain and its connected suffering because, as Marcus Singer says: "If something is really evil, it can't be necessary, and if it is really necessary, it can't be evil".[46]: 186 The narrow concept of evil involves moral condemnation, therefore it is ascribed only to moral agents and their actions.[45]: 322 This eliminates natural disasters and animal suffering from consideration as evil: according to Claudia Card, "When not guided by moral agents, forces of nature are neither "goods" nor "evils". They just are. Their "agency" routinely produces consequences vital to some forms of life and lethal to others".[53] The narrow definition of evil "picks out only the most morally despicable sorts of actions, characters, events, etc. Evil [in this sense] ... is the worst possible term of opprobrium imaginable”.[46] Eve Garrard suggests that evil describes "particularly horrifying kinds of action which we feel are to be contrasted with more ordinary kinds of wrongdoing, as when for example we might say 'that action wasn't just wrong, it was positively evil'. The implication is that there is a qualitative, and not merely quantitative, difference between evil acts and other wrongful ones; evil acts are not just very bad or wrongful acts, but rather ones possessing some specially horrific quality".[45]: 321 In this context, the concept of evil is one element in a full nexus of moral concepts.[45]: 324 Philosophical questions Approaches Main article: Ethics Views on the nature of evil belong to the branch of philosophy known as ethics—which in modern philosophy is subsumed into three major areas of study:[8] Meta-ethics, that seeks to understand the nature of ethical properties, statements, attitudes, and judgments. Normative ethics, investigates the set of questions that arise when considering how one ought to act, morally speaking. Applied ethics, concerned with the analysis of particular moral issues in private and public life.[8] Usefulness as a term There is debate on how useful the term "evil" is, since it is often associated with spirits and the devil. Some see the term as useless because they say it lacks any real ability to explain what it names. There is also real danger of the harm that being labeled "evil" can do when used in moral, political, and legal contexts.[47]: 1–2 Those who support the usefulness of the term say there is a secular view of evil that offers plausible analyses without reference to the supernatural.[45]: 325 Garrard and Russell argue that evil is as useful an explanation as any moral concept.[45]: 322–326 [54] Garrard adds that evil actions result from a particular kind of motivation, such as taking pleasure in the suffering of others, and this distinctive motivation provides a partial explanation even if it does not provide a complete explanation.[45]: 323–325 [54]: 268–269 Most theorists agree use of the term evil can be harmful but disagree over what response that requires. Some argue it is "more dangerous to ignore evil than to try to understand it".[47] Those who support the usefulness of the term, such as Eve Garrard and David McNaughton, argue that the term evil "captures a distinct part of our moral phenomenology, specifically, 'collect[ing] together those wrongful actions to which we have ... a response of moral horror'."[55] Claudia Card asserts it is only by understanding the nature of evil that we can preserve humanitarian values and prevent evil in the future.[56] If evils are the worst sorts of moral wrongs, social policy should focus limited energy and resources on reducing evil over other wrongs.[57] Card asserts that by categorizing certain actions and practices as evil, we are better able to recognize and guard against responding to evil with more evil which will "interrupt cycles of hostility generated by past evils".[57]: 166 One school of thought holds that no person is evil and that only acts may be properly considered evil. Some theorists define an evil action simply as a kind of action an evil person performs.[58]: 280 But just as many theorists believe that an evil character is one who is inclined toward evil acts.[59]: 2 Luke Russell argues that both evil actions and evil feelings are necessary to identify a person as evil, while Daniel Haybron argues that evil feelings and evil motivations are necessary.[47]: 4–4.1 American psychiatrist M. Scott Peck describes evil as a kind of personal "militant ignorance".[60] According to Peck, an evil person is consistently self-deceiving, deceives others, psychologically projects his or her evil onto very specific targets,[61] hates, abuses power, and lies incessantly.[60][62] Evil people are unable to think from the viewpoint of their victim. Peck considers those he calls evil to be attempting to escape and hide from their own conscience (through self-deception) and views this as being quite distinct from the apparent absence of conscience evident in sociopaths. He also considers that certain institutions may be evil, using the My Lai Massacre to illustrate. By this definition, acts of criminal and state terrorism would also be considered evil. Necessity Main article: Necessary evil Martin Luther believed that occasional minor evil could have a positive effect. Martin Luther argued that there are cases where a little evil is a positive good. He wrote, "Seek out the society of your boon companions, drink, play, talk bawdy, and amuse yourself. One must sometimes commit a sin out of hate and contempt for the Devil, so as not to give him the chance to make one scrupulous over mere nothings ... "[63] The international relations theories of realism and neorealism, sometimes called realpolitik advise politicians to explicitly ban absolute moral and ethical considerations from international politics, and to focus on self-interest, political survival, and power politics, which they hold to be more accurate in explaining a world they view as explicitly amoral and dangerous. Political realists usually justify their perspectives by stating that morals and politics should be separated as two unrelated things, as exerting authority often involves doing something not moral. Machiavelli wrote: "there will be traits considered good that, if followed, will lead to ruin, while other traits, considered vices which if practiced achieve security and well being for the prince."[64] See also Philosophy portal Akrasia Antagonist Archenemy Dystopia Banality of evil Evil Emperor (disambiguation) Evil empire (disambiguation) Graded absolutism Moral evil Natural evil Ponerology Problem of evil Sin Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde Theodicy Theodicy and the Bible Value theory Villain Wickedness References Notes "What does Evil mean?".. Retrieved 2023-12-28. Griffin, David Ray (2004) [1976]. God, Power, and Evil: a Process Theodicy. Westminster. p. 31. ISBN 978-0-664-22906-1. "Evil". Oxford University Press. 2012. Archived from the original on July 12, 2012. Ervin Staub. Overcoming evil: genocide, violent conflict, and terrorism. New York: Oxford University Press, p. 32. Matthews, Caitlin; Matthews, John (2004). Walkers Between the Worlds: The Western Mysteries from Shaman to Magus. New York City: Simon & Schuster. p. 173. ASIN B00770DJ3G. Archived from the original on 2021-09-17. Retrieved 2021-09-17. de Hulster, Izaak J. (2009). Iconographic Exegesis and Third Isaiah. Heidelberg, Germany: Mohr Siebeck Verlag. pp. 136–37. ISBN 978-3-16-150029-9. Ingram, Paul O.; Streng, Frederick John (1986). Buddhist-Christian Dialogue: Mutual Renewal and Transformation. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. pp. 148–49. ISBN 978-1-55635-381-9. Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy ""Ethics"". Harper, Douglas (2001). "Etymology for evil". C.W. Chan (1996). "Good and Evil in Chinese Philosophy". The Philosopher. LXXXIV. Archived from the original on 2006-05-29. Feng, Yu-lan (1983). "Origin of Evil". History of Chinese Philosophy, Volume II: The Period of Classical Learning (from the Second Century B.C. to the Twentieth Century A.D. Translated by Bodde, Derk. New Haven, CN: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-02022-8. Neiman, Susan (2015). Evil in Modern Thought: An Alternative History of Philosophy. Princeton University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-691-16850-0. OCLC 1294864456. de Spinoza, Benedict (2017) [1677]. "Of Human Bondage or of the Strength of the Affects". Ethics. Translated by White, W.H. New York: Penguin Classics. p. 424. ASIN B00DO8NRDC. "Answer to Job Revisited : Jung on the Problem of Evil". Archived from the original on 2018-05-06. Retrieved 2017-07-19. Stephen Palmquist, Dreams of Wholeness: A course of introductory lectures on religion, psychology and personal growth (Hong Kong: Philopsychy Press, 1997/2008), see especially Chapter XI. "Book website". Milgram, Stanley (1963). "Behavioral Study of Obedience". Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology. 67 (4): 371–8. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.599.92. doi:10.1037/h0040525. PMID 14049516. S2CID 18309531. as PDF. Archived April 4, 2015, at the Wayback Machine Blass, Thomas (1991). "Understanding behavior in the Milgram obedience experiment: The role of personality, situations, and their interactions" (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 60 (3): 398–413. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.60.3.398. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 7, 2016. Haslam, S. Alexander; Reicher, Stephen D.; Birney, Megan E. (September 1, 2014). "Nothing by Mere Authority: Evidence that in an Experimental Analogue of the Milgram Paradigm Participants are Motivated not by Orders but by Appeals to Science". Journal of Social Issues. 70 (3): 473–488. doi:10.1111/josi.12072. hdl:10034/604991. ISSN 1540-4560. Haslam, S. Alexander; Reicher, Stephen D. (13 October 2017). "50 Years of "Obedience to Authority": From Blind Conformity to Engaged Followership". Annual Review of Law and Social Science. 13 (1): 59–78. doi:10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-110316-113710. James Waller (February 22, 2007). What Can the Milgram Studies Teach Us... (Google Books). Oxford University Press. pp. 111–113. ISBN 978-0199774852. Retrieved June 9, 2013. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help) Coll, 'Abdu'l-Bahá (1982). Some answered questions. Translated by Barney, Laura Clifford (Repr. ed.). Wilmette, IL: Baháʼí Publ. Trust. ISBN 978-0-87743-162-6. Hans Schwarz, Evil: A Historical and Theological Perspective (Lima, Ohio: Academic Renewal Press, 2001): 42–43. Schwarz, Evil, 75. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, translated by the Fathers of the English Dominican Province (New York: Benziger Brothers, 1947) Volume 3, q. 72, a. 1, p. 902. Henri Blocher, Evil and the Cross (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1994): 10. Jane Dammen McAuliffe Encyclopaedia of the Qurʼān Brill 2001 ISBN 978-90-04-14764-5 p. 335 B. Silverstein Islam and Modernity in Turkey Springer 2011 ISBN 978-0-230-11703-7 p. 124 Jane Dammen McAuliffe Encyclopaedia of the Qurʼān Brill 2001 ISBN 978-90-04-14764-5 p. 338 P. Koslowski (2013). The Origin and the Overcoming of Evil and Suffering in the World Religions Springer Science & Business Media ISBN 978-94-015-9789-0 p. 37 Gurkow, Lazer. "Why Did G-d Create Evil?". Chabad. Retrieved October 17, 2023. rabbifisdel (2010-07-08). "The Human Dichotomy: Good and Evil | Classical Kabbalist". Retrieved 2023-10-18. Kemboly, Mpay (2010). The Question of Evil in Ancient Egypt. London: Golden House Publications.[ISBN missing] Philosophy of Religion Charles Taliaferro, Paul J. Griffiths, eds. Ch. 35, Buddhism and Evil Martin Southwold p. 424 Lay Outreach and the Meaning of 'Evil Person Taitetsu Unno Archived 2012-10-18 at the Wayback Machine Perumpallikunnel, K. (2013). "Discernment: The message of the bhagavad-gita". Acta Theologica. 33: 271. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.1032.370. Singh, Gopal (1967). Sri guru-granth sahib [english version]. New York: Taplinger Publishing Co. Singh, Charan (2013-12-11). "Ethics and Business: Evidence from Sikh Religion". Social Science Research Network. Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore. SSRN 2366249. Sandhu, Jaswinder (February 2004). "The Sikh Model of the Person, Suffering, and Healing: Implications for Counselors". International Journal for the Advancement of Counselling. 26 (1): 33–46. doi:10.1023/B:ADCO.0000021548.68706.18. S2CID 145256429. Singh, Arjan (January 2000). "The universal ideal of sikhism". Global Dialogue. 2 (1). Brown, Jennifer; Horvath, Miranda, eds. (2013). Rape Challenging Contemporary Thinking. Taylor & Francis. p. 62. ISBN 9781134026395. Humphrey, J.A.; Palmer, S. (2013). Deviant Behavior Patterns, Sources, and Control. Springer US. p. 11. ISBN 9781489905833. McKeown, Mick; Stowell-Smith, Mark (2006). "The Comforts of Evil: Dangerous Personalities in High-Security Hospitals and the Horror Film". Forensic Psychiatry. pp. 109–134. doi:10.1007/978-1-59745-006-5_6. ISBN 9781597450065. Milgram, Stanley (2017). Obedience to Authority. Harper Perennial. pp. Foreword. ISBN 9780062803405. Garrard, Eve (April 2002). "Evil as an Explanatory Concept" (Pdf). The Monist. 85 (2). Oxford University Press: 320–336. doi:10.5840/monist200285219. JSTOR 27903775. Marcus G. Singer, Marcus G. Singer (April 2004). "The Concept of Evil". Philosophy. 79 (308). Cambridge University Press: 185–214. doi:10.1017/S0031819104000233. JSTOR 3751971. S2CID 146121829. Calder, Todd (26 November 2013). "The Concept of Evil". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Stanford University. Retrieved 17 January 2021. Kemp, John (25 February 2009). "Pain and Evil". Philosophy. 29 (108): 13. doi:10.1017/S0031819100022105. S2CID 144540963. Retrieved 8 January 2021. "Reviews". The Humane Review. 2 (5–8). E. Bell: 374. 1901. Yancey, Philip; Brand, Paul (2010). Fearfully and Wonderfully Made. Zondervan. ISBN 9780310861997. Rosemberg, Sérgio; Kliemann, Suzana; Nagahashi, Suely K. (1994). "Congenital insensitivity to pain with anhidrosis (hereditary sensory and autonomic neuropathy type IV)". Pediatric Neurology. 11 (1). Clinical Neurology and Neurosurgery: 50–56. doi:10.1016/0887-8994(94)90091-4. PMID 7527213. Retrieved 8 January 2021. Cox, David (27 April 2017). "The curse of the people who never feel pain". BBC. Retrieved 8 January 2021. Card, Claudia (2005). The Atrocity Paradigm A Theory of Evil. Oxford University Press. p. 5. ISBN 9780195181265. Russell, Luke (July 2009). "He Did It Because He Was Evil". American Philosophical Quarterly. 46 (3). University of Illinois Press: 268–269. JSTOR 40606922. Garrard, Eve; McNaughton, David (2 September 2012). "Speak No Evil?". Midwest Studies in Philosophy. 36 (1): 13–17. doi:10.1111/j.1475-4975.2012.00230.x. Card, Claudia (2010). Confronting Evils: Terrorism, Torture, Genocide. Cambridge University Press. p. i. ISBN 9781139491709. Card, Claudia (2005). The Atrocity Paradigm A Theory of Evil. Oxford University Press. p. 109. ISBN 9780195181265. Haybron, Daniel M. (2002). "Moral Monsters and Saints". The Monist. 85 (2). Oxford University Press: 260–284. doi:10.5840/monist20028529. JSTOR 27903772. Kekes, John (2005). The Roots of Evil. Cornell University Press. ISBN 9780801443688. Peck, M. Scott. (1983, 1988). People of the Lie: The hope for healing human evil. Century Hutchinson. Peck, 1983/1988, p. 105 Peck, M. Scott. (1978, 1992), The Road Less Travelled. Arrow. Martin Luther, Werke, XX, p. 58 Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince, Dante University of America Press, 2003, ISBN 978-0-937832-38-7 Further reading Baumeister, Roy F. (1999). Evil: Inside Human Violence and Cruelty. New York: W.H. Freeman / Owl Book[ISBN missing] Bennett, Gaymon, Hewlett, Martinez J, Peters, Ted, Russell, Robert John (2008). The Evolution of Evil. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. ISBN 978-3-525-56979-5 Katz, Fred Emil (1993). Ordinary People and Extraordinary Evil, SUNY Press, ISBN 0-7914-1442-6; Katz, Fred Emil (2004). Confronting Evil, SUNY Press, ISBN 0-7914-6030-4. Neiman, Susan (2002). Evil in Modern Thought – An Alternative History of Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. [ISBN missing] Oppenheimer, Paul (1996). Evil and the Demonic: A New Theory of Monstrous Behavior. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-6193-9. Shermer, M. (2004). The Science of Good & Evil. New York: Time Books. ISBN 0-8050-7520-8 Steven Mintz; John Stauffer, eds. (2007). The Problem of Evil: Slavery, Freedom, and the Ambiguities of American Reform. University of Massachusetts Press. ISBN 978-1-55849-570-8. Stapley, A.B. & Elder Delbert L. (1975). Using Our Free Agency. Ensign May: 21[ISBN missing] Stark, Ryan (2009). Rhetoric, Science, and Magic in Seventeenth-Century England. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press. 115–45. Vetlesen, Arne Johan (2005). Evil and Human Agency – Understanding Collective Evildoing New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-85694-2 Wilson, William McF., Julian N. Hartt (2004). Farrer's Theodicy. In David Hein and Edward Hugh Henderson (eds), Captured by the Crucified: The Practical Theology of Austin Farrer. New York and London: T & T Clark / Continuum. ISBN 0-567-02510-1 External links Look up evil in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. Wikiquote has quotations related to Evil. Wikimedia Commons has media related to Evil. Evil on In Our Time at the BBC "Concept of Evl" entry by Todd Calder in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Good and Evil in (Ultra Orthodox) Judaism ABC News: Looking for Evil in Everyday Life Psychology Today: Indexing Evil Booknotes interview with Lance Morrow on Evil: An Investigation, October 19, 2003. "Good and Evil", BBC Radio 4 discussion with Leszek Kolakowski and Galen Strawson (In Our Time, Apr. 1, 1999). "Evil", BBC Radio 4 discussion with Jones Erwin, Stefan Mullhall and Margaret Atkins (In Our Time, May 3, 2001) vte Good and evil Theories Good Evil Greater good Summum bonum Lesser of two evils Necessary evil See no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil Immorality Morality Value theory Altruism Radical evil vte Ethics Normative Consequentialism Deontology Care Particularism Pragmatic Role Suffering-focused Utilitarianism Virtue Applied Animal Artificial intelligence Bio Business Discourse Engineering Environmental Legal Machine Meat eating Media Medical Nursing Professional Sexual Technology Terraforming Uncertain sentience Meta Absolutism Axiology Cognitivism Realism Naturalism Non-naturalism Subjectivism Ideal observer theory Divine command theory Constructivism Euthyphro dilemma Intuitionism Nihilism Non-cognitivism Emotivism Expressivism Quasi-realism Universal prescriptivism Rationalism Relativism Skepticism Universalism Value monism – Value pluralism Schools Buddhist Christian Confucian Epicurean Existentialist Feminist Islamic Jewish Kantian Rousseauian Stoic Tao Concepts Authority Autonomy Common sense Compassion Conscience Consent Culture of life Dignity Double standard Duty Equality Etiquette Eudaimonia Family values Fidelity Free will Good and evil Good Evil Problem of evil Happiness Honour Ideal Immorality Justice Liberty Loyalty Moral courage Moral hierarchy Moral imperative Morality Norm Political freedom Precept Rights Self-discipline Suffering Stewardship Sympathy Theodicy Trust Value Intrinsic Japan Western Vice Virtue Vow Wrong Ethicists Laozi Socrates Plato Aristotle Diogenes Valluvar Cicero Confucius Augustine Mencius Mozi Xunzi Aquinas Spinoza Hume Kant Hegel Schopenhauer Bentham Mill Kierkegaard Sidgwick Nietzsche Moore Barth Tillich Bonhoeffer Foot Rawls Dewey Williams Mackie Anscombe Frankena MacIntyre Hare Singer Parfit Nagel Adams Taylor Azurmendi Korsgaard Nussbaum Works Nicomachean Ethics (c. 322 BC) Ethics (Spinoza) (1677) A Treatise of Human Nature (1740) The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals (1785) Critique of Practical Reason (1788) Elements of the Philosophy of Right (1820) Either/Or (1843) Utilitarianism (1861) Beyond Good and Evil (1886) On the Genealogy of Morality (1887) Principia Ethica (1903) Ethics (Moore) (1912) A Theory of Justice (1971) Animal Liberation (1975) Practical Ethics (1979) After Virtue (1981) Related Axiology Casuistry Descriptive ethics Ethics in religion Evolutionary ethics History of ethics Ideology Moral psychology Philosophy of law Political philosophy Population ethics Secular ethics Social philosophy Index Category vte Hamartiology Adam Evil The Fall Original sin Christian views on sin Imputation of sin Sin Logical order of God's decrees Theodicy Total depravity See also Apologetics Soteriology Demonology Categories: Good and evilConcepts in ethicsCrimeReligious philosophical conceptsSinSocial philosophyStereotypesValue (ethics)Concepts in metaphysics The 100 Best Horror Movie Characters The Shining By Team Empire | Updated On31 10 2020 Horror movies are filled with iconic roles in all kinds of archetypes – scream queens, psycho killers, possessed children, noble heroes, doomed lovers and nefarious conjurers among them. The very best horror characters can take the shape of an unforgettable image, or something deeper – delivering explorations of fear, grief, and death. And sometimes they’re just supremely entertaining killing fodder, there to rack up the bodycount and giving good gusto while they die horribly. From the villains to the victims, Empire presents a list of the 100 greatest horror movie characters – dating right back to the earliest days of the genre, and with inclusions from the most memorable scary movies of 2020. Because in recent years, the horror genre has been in a very, very good place, with brilliant filmmakers delivering all-time-great spooky works. Turn off all the lights, and get reading. READ MORE: The 50 Best Horror Movies READ MORE: The 20 Best Zombie Movies 100 - Father McGruder FatherMcGruder Played by: Stuart Devensie Film(s): Braindead "I kick arse for the Lord!" announces Stuart Devenie's zealous priest, before proving - rather conclusively - that God is taking a sabbatical. Still, points for trying. Intriguingly, Zombie McCruder was played by a different actor. 99 - Jemma Host Played by: Jemma Moore Film: Host (2020) Horror movies have total disdain for rule-breakers – and in Host, the rules are laid out as clearly as can be: don’t disrespect the sanctity of the seance, even if it’s over Zoom. Taking no notice of this is prankster Jemma, who makes up a morbid story when the spirit-summoning session isn’t moving fast enough for her liking – and kicks off a world of shit for everyone in the meeting. Like all the characters in this ingenious lockdown horror, Jemma feels real – when she’s joking about, terrified out of her mind, or being clonked on the head by a bottle of wine. 98 - Kevin Wendell Crumb Split Played by: James McAvoy Film(s): Split (2016), Glass (2019) Technically, 24 places on this list could be filled by McAvoy in Shyamalan’s Unbreakable spin-offs – his multiple personalities ranging from the silly (lispy kid Hedwig) to the sinister (kidnapper Dennis) to the downright savage (The Beast). It’s a bravura performance, with McAvoy managing to provide such distinct turns for each role – and providing physical hulking menace when his supernaturally-strong inner predator is unleashed. 97 - The Alien Alien Played by: Bolaji Badejo Film(s): Alien It was written by Dan O'Bannon, directed by Ridley Scott, played by Bolaji Badejo, sketched by H.R. Giger and plucked straight from the blackest excesses of your nightmares. The Nostromo's reckoning is beautifully summed up by Ian Holm's Ash: "Perfect organism. Its structural perfection is matched only by its hostility... I admire its purity. A survivor... unclouded by conscience, remorse, or delusions of morality." Plus, it has a head shaped like a willy. 96 - Charlie Graham Hereditary Played by: Milly Shapiro Film(s): Hereditary (2018) Grief hits us all in different ways, and Charlie Graham is merely doing her best to get by when her grandmother passes away. She wanders and stares, she worries, she tries to get noticed and bad things, inevitably, happen. Oh, and she cuts the heads off birds. As you do. Shapiro manages to be terrifying without saying a word, or with the mere cluck of a tongue. And when that scene comes, her role takes on a whole new kind of emotional terror. Scariest of all: she’s now a major TikTok star. 95 - Thomasin The Witch Played by: Anya Taylor-Joy Film: The Witch (2016) Anya Taylor-Joy kick-started her Scream Queen career in Robert Eggers’ bone-crunching folktale. Poor Thomasin is labelled a Witch by the puritanical patriarchy until she finally becomes one, choosing to “live deliciously” with devil-goat Black Phillip and a coven in the woods. Agony, ecstasy, liberation, demonisation – for Thomasin, it’s all the same thing. 94 - Father Karras Father Karras Played by: Jason Miller Film(s): The Exorcist Jason Miller's Damien Karras is a priest racked by guilt, fear, doubt, and memories (or are they visions?) of his dead mother, descending into what looks like the Chicago subway and which therefore might as well be Hell. So he's the perfect person to take on the wily demon, Pazuzu. Miller is fantastic as a weeping wound of a man whose belief is slowly restored by exposure to the most awful proof that God does, in fact, exist. He returned as a form of Karras for the surprisingly excellent Exorcist III. 93 - Tree Gelbman Happy Death Day Played by: Jessica Rothe Film(s): Happy Death Day (2017), Happy Death Day 2U (2019) Odd arboreal name and all, Tree is one of the most game slasher queens in recent memory – a college student who goes from victim to detective when she’s trapped in a timeloop that always ends with her being murdered by a baby-masked killer, forced to decipher the culprit in order to move beyond her doomed birthday. Rothe commits brilliantly – and cranks up the comedy in the Back To The Future Part II-inspired sequel, through suicide montages, multiple alternate-timelines, and unmasking another mystery murderer. 92 - Mrs Voorhees Mrs Voorhees Played by: Betsy Palmer Film(s): Friday The 13th It's always been a mystery why the Friday The 13th series never resurrected Betsy Palmer's psychotic camp counsellor. Yes, she may have had her head lopped off at the end of the original movie, but she's so much more interesting than her son, Jason, and deserves to be remembered as more than just a trick question at the beginning of Scream. 91 - Conal Cochran Conal Cochran Played by: Dan O'Herlihy Film(s): Halloween III: Season Of The Witch Played with chilling understatement by Dan O'Herlihy, this demented loon is perhaps the only toymaker on the planet who wants children to choke on the small moving parts. 90 - Danny Torrance Danny Torrance Played by: Danny Lloyd, Ewan McGregor Film(s): The Shining (1980), Doctor Sleep (2019) 'Redrum... redrum'. Danny Lloyd has one film, and one film only (he also has a TV movie shot in 1982, but as that spoils the narrative let's ignore it), on his CV, but what a film, and what a performance. True, as Danny Torrance, the young boy blessed / cursed with the Shining in a hotel filled with ghosts that see him as a psychic Twinkie, Lloyd isn't called upon to do much more than ride a tricycle very fast and look afraid. But he does that like a champ, clamping his fingers over his eyes, mouth wide in terror. Wonder if Kubrick made him do each take 99 times? 89 - Richie Tozier It Chapter Two Played by: Finn Wolfhard, Bill Hader Film(s): It (2017), It Chapter Two (2019) The members of the Losers’ Club are all loveable – but it’s Trashmouth who steals the show. In the kids timeline, Wolfhard delivers stellar brash insults as the wisecracking wonder, hiding his vulnerability behind the biggest of mouths, and he gets the final act’s greatest rallying cry: “Now, I’m going to have to kill this fucking clown!” It’s a mantle effortlessly picked up by Hader in the second film, who obviously aces the comedy – but the revelation in Chapter Two is the emotional heart of Richie being exposed. He suffers real loss, and Hader makes you feel every ounce of it. 88 - Theo Theo Played by: Claire Bloom Film(s): The Haunting Claire Bloom's stylish, somewhat sniffy psychic (perhaps her sniffiness, in some perverse way, comes from being overlooked by Hill House in favour of Julie Harris' Eleanor) broke new ground for horror as an openly gay character. To this day, though, most lesbian characters in horror fiction remain, regrettably, buxom vampires. 87 - Jessie Burlingame Gerald's Game Played by: Carla Gugino Film: Gerald’s Game In survival horror movies, characters go through the wringer – and Jessie is no stranger to trials and tribulations. For one, she’s handcuffed to a bed with no hope of unlocking them. Secondly, she’s taunted by the spectre of her husband Gerald who just died of a heart attack, as well as her own inner demons, an entire childhood of repressed trauma, and a hungry dog who sounds like Cujo. And that’s before the Moonlight Man comes into play. And when she – spoiler alert – rips all the skin from her hand, right down to the bone, in order to escape? That takes guts. 86 - Grandpa Grandpa Played by: Barnard Hughes Film(s): The Lost Boys Everybody wants a Grandpa like Barnard Hughes in Joel Schumacher's garish and gory '80s comedy-horror. Sure, he's a cantankerous old sod, the sort of guy who's very protective of his own special shelf and who thinks a driving lesson involves turning the engine on and off again, but when it comes to wiping out vampires with a truck loaded with wooden stakes, he's your man. Plus, he wears a bandana. At his age. A bandana. 85 - Stevie Wayne Stevie Wayne Played by: Adrienne Barbeau Film(s): The Fog The best big-screen DJ this side of Wally Banter, Adrienne Barbeau is magnificent once more for her then-husband John Carpenter as the velvet-voiced coastal town radio host who gradually becomes aware of the dangers lurking in the fog, and then spends the second half of the movie delivering the kind of weather updates that would turn Wincey Willis green. Topical reference, there. 84 - Randy Randy Played by: Jamie Kennedy Film(s): Scream, Scream 2 Given that he's been astonishingly unlikeable in virtually everything else he's done, it's a huge surprise that Jamie Kennedy's cine-literate Randy is so adorable in the first two Scream movies. Maybe it's because film fans so readily identify with him, just one more reason why Craven's decision to kill him (in broad daylight) takes Scream 2 to the next level. If Randy - or, essentially, the audience - is dead, then nobody's safe. 83 - The Tall Man Tall Man Played by: Angus Scrimm Film(s): Phantasm Angus Scrimm, in a suit that's too tight for him to accentuate his slender frame, squints and scowls for all he's worth as the iconic bad guy of Don Coscarelli's completely (and we mean this with love) bonkers franchise. An inter-dimensional alien being who poses as an undertaker while he prepares to wage war with his army of psycho dwarves and flying balls (stop sniggering), The Tall Man is just one of many (maybe even millions) - which makes him that much harder to stop. 82 - Maud Saint Maud Played by: Moryfdd Clark Film(s): Saint Maud (2020) Maud is the nice, sweet, harmless private nurse who is here to save our souls. Except, obviously that’s not quite true – as Rose Glass’ terrifying and terrific debut Saint Maud presents our protagonist as a young woman with a dark past capable of dangerous things. She has a very… special relationship with God, which, naturally, means she’ll do anything for him. Morfydd Clark plays the self-flagellating Maud with both quiet brilliance and quick wit – buried under mounds of pain and unprocessed trauma – in her quest to find salvation for us all. 81 - Dr. Génessier Dr Genessier Played by: Pierre Brasseur Film(s): Eyes Without A Face Pierre Brasseur's surgeon scientist only wants to do what's right for his dear, darling, disfigured daughter Christiane. If that means kidnapping and, by default, murdering a string of young girls so he can conduct a revolutionary face transplant, then so be it. Brasseur is unforgettable as one of cinema's very best takes on Frankenstein in Georges Franju's classic. 80 - Mark Lewis Mark Lewis Played by: Karlheinz Bohm Film(s): Peeping Tom Is it the soft German accent? His quivering presence? Those empty, wide, sad eyes? Karlheinz Bohm's subtle, timid killer plays a huge part in Peeping Tom's success, underplaying against Michael Powell's vividly voyeuristic kills, catching his victim's death throes on tick-tick-ticking camera. Either way, his demise is no moral triumph - it's tragedy. 79 - Pale Man Pale Man Played by: Doug Jones Film(s): Pan's Labyrinth Nightmarish craziness from the mind of Del Toro, The Pale Man carries his eyeballs in his hands. Bizarrely, it's still all the better to see you with. 78 - Lawrence Talbot Wolf Man Played by: Lon Chaney Jr. Film(s): The Wolf Man Sorry Benicio. There's only room enough for one Wolf Man on this list and that goes to Chaney Jr., whose quiet, tormented dignity makes his monster Universal. 77 - Grace Le Domas Ready Or Not Played by: Samara Weaving Film: Ready Or Not (2019) The most badass bride since Beatrix Kiddo. After a seemingly idyllic wedding, Grace learns that her new husband’s family are crackers – beholden to a superstition that means they’ll hunt her in a killer game of Hide and Seek. But Grace doesn’t take her fate lying down, fighting back against the Le Domas gang with gusto. She punches children, smashes a boiling teapot on someone’s head, withstands a bullet through the hand, and bludgeons brains. In her own words: “I want a divorce.” 76 - Dani Ardor Midsommar Played by: Florence Pugh Film(s): Midsommar (2019) Listen, just don’t dump a girl when she’s dealing with the death of her entire family. Ari Aster makes the scariest break-up movie you’ve ever seen, in which Florence Pugh proves she wears both a frown and a flower crown like nobody else. Dani is looking forward to fun frolics in the Swedish countryside as much as anyone would – but what she finds there, and how she deals with it, reveals something so much more sinister than your usual summer holiday. It might be all sunshine and rainbows, actually – but there’s still a lot to fear when it comes to this particular May Queen too. 75 - Father Malone The Fog Played by: Hal Holbrook Film(s): The Fog "Why not me, Blake?" asks Hal Holbrook's sozzled priest at the end of The Fog, before getting his answer in spectacular fashion. Prior to that, Holbrook is excellent as Malone, gradually putting together the pieces of the true fate of the Elizabeth Dane and its crew of lepers, in which his ancestors were involved, and not at all happy about it. Armed with this knowledge, and a gold cross, Malone - previously a shambles of a man - decides to redeem himself, and his family name. 74 - Annie Wilkes Annie Wilkes Played by: Kathy Bates Film(s): Misery The monstrously wholesome Annie (played by a ferocious Kathy Bates, who won an Oscar for her troubles) is completely, terrifyingly, batshit cockadoody crazy. Don't let her anywhere near your ankles. 73 - Candyman Candyman Played by: Tony Todd Film(s): Candyman Tony Todd's hook-handed legend has, unusually for a franchise fiend, layers of emotional depth and something of a tragic sheen. We know what happens if you say his name five times into a mirror, but what happens if you type it? Candyman. Candyman. Candyman. Candyman. Can... actually, let's leave it there. 72 - Darryl Revok Darry Revok Played by: Michael Ironside Film(s): Scanners (1981) Michael Ironside's cocksure scanner will blow your mind. Sometimes literally, on live TV. 71 - Rose The Hat Doctor Sleep Played by: Rebecca Ferguson Film: Doctor Sleep (2019) “It’s the special ones that taste best.” Right from its opening scene, Rebecca Ferguson steals Mike Flanagan’s adaptation of Stephen King’s Shining sequel novel. Her Stevie Nicks attire and lilting tones hide an ancient devouring force which occasionally comes more transparently into view in a cheshire-cat grin. She can be soft – and has her own plight to face as her immortal cult, The True Knot, face the decline of the Steam that keeps them alive – but brutal too, not least in a scene where she murders innocent little Jacob Tremblay. How could she! 70 - Chief Brody Chief Brody Played by: Roy Scheider Film(s): Jaws One of the wonders of Jaws is that its three heroes seem like ordinary guys, played by men who didn't wander straight out of modelling school and onto a movie set. When Roy Scheider's Martin Brody takes his shirt off, there's no rippling six-pack underneath. Brody is an ordinary guy catapulted into extraordinary circumstances, and Scheider makes him rich, relatable, human; the perfect man, then, to dispose of a villain that's everything but. Smile, you sonofabitch. 69 - Peter Vincent Peter Vincent Played by: Roddy McDowall Film(s): Fright Night Roddy McDowall's prissy, hammy horror show host, forced to discover his faith and become the thing he's pretended to be for thirty years when he's confronted with real vampires, is a delight. Miles away from David Tennant's vulgar creation in the murky remake, McDowall's turn is a reminder of a more innocent time in horror. 68 - Ed and Lorraine Warren The Conjuring Played by: Patrick Wilson and Vera Farmiga Film(s): The Conjuring (2013), The Conjuring 2 (2016), Annabelle Comes Home (2019) Sure, the frights are good – but The Conjuring films would be nothing without the Warrens, the fictionalised versions of the real-life paranormal investigators whose cases sparked the franchise. Wilson and Farmiga bring such lived-in warmth to this married couple whose devotion to each other can’t be shaken by any level of demonic activity – bringing a surprisingly romantic heart to one of the defining horror franchises of the 2010s. 67 - Prince Prospero Prince Prospero Played by: Vincent Price Film(s): The Masque Of The Red Death Vincent Price starts Roger Corman's movie as a Satan-worshipping despot who orders the burning of a village, kidnaps a girl to be his sex slave, and then throws a big old party for the rich, figuratively fiddling while Rome burns. From there, it's downhill for Prospero, but Price is on fine form throughout. 66 - Carole Ledoux Carole Ledoux Played by: Catherine Deneuve Film(s): Repulsion Catherine Deneuve is on superlative form as the repressed recluse whose awkwardness and disdain for men and sexual contact begins to eat into her psyche, first manifesting itself as hallucinations (the image of hands coming through the wall to grab at Carole has been stolen by a number of directors, most famously George A. Romero for Day Of The Dead), then as bloody murders, then as catatonia. Startling. 65 – Rose Armitage Get Out Played by: Allison Williams Film: Get Out (2017) Talk about villainy – the moment Rose stops pretending to look for her car keys in Get Out’s final reel, all pretences are dropped: she’s in on the Armitages’ Black body-snatching scheme, and she delivered Chris to her nefarious parents on purpose, a pure psychopathic wolf in sheep’s clothing. She’s a total monster – and that’s before you find out she eats her Fruit Loops dry, with a separate glass of milk on the side. 64 - Michel Delasalle Michel Delasalle Played by: Paul Meurisse Film(s): Les Diaboliques Meurisse's cheating husband is a grade-A scumbag, whose emotional and physical abuse of his wife, Christina, continues even after his 'murder'. Meurisse is, thanks to the very nature of the film's plot, off-screen for much of the movie, but his presence is everywhere, while he's front-and-centre of one of horror cinema's most famous shock twists. 63 - Dick Hallorann Dick Hallorann Played by: Scatman Crothers Film(s): The Shining As played by Scatman Crothers, Hallorann - the chef at the Overlook Hotel - is a kindly old man who, blessed with his own Shining, acts as Danny Torrance's guide to the dos and don'ts of the evil old hotel. As set up by Stephen King, he's the knight in armour who travels half the country to save the day. As set up by Stanley Kubrick, he's a rug pulled from under your feet. 62 - Miss Giddens Miss Giddens Played by: Deborah Kerr Film(s): The Innocents (1961) Deborah Kerr is on fine form in Jack Clayton's elegant and creepy horror as the governess who comes to suspect that her two young charges are possessed, while we, the audience, come to suspect that she may not be the full shilling. 61 - Roger Roger Played by: Scott Reiniger Film(s): Dawn of the Dead OK, so Scott Reiniger's devil-may-care SWAT guy may border on the psychopathic, and contributes to his own demise, but we defy you not to will the little guy to fulfil his promise to Ken Foree's Peter that "I'm going to try not to come back". Anyone who's ever seen the back of a Dawn of the Dead VHS cover will know that he doesn't succeed. 60 - Duc de Richleau Duc de Richleau Played by: Christopher Lee Film(s): The Devil Rides Out A rare good guy turn for the great Christopher Lee in, arguably, Hammer's greatest movie. As the occult expert charged with saving Patrick Mower's rich kid from a fate worse than Emmerdale, Lee is fantastic as an uptight, upright, unswerving bastion of moral invincibility. And the facial hair - neatly devilish itself - is a winner. 59 - Derek Derek Played by: Peter Jackson Film(s): Bad Taste Forced to take the lead role in Bad Taste because he had no other real option, Peter Jackson plays Derek as a dithering idiot who becomes dangerously unhinged when he falls off a cliff and spends most of the movie holding his brains in via judicious deployment of a belt. Jackson displays such a nifty instinct for comedy that it's a real shame that he hasn't given acting a go since; and Derek's Ash-like transformation into chainsaw-wielding badass is ludicrously satisfying. He's a Derek, and Dereks don't run. 58 - The Babadook The Babadook Played by: Tim Purcell Film(s): The Babadook (2014) One of the most striking bogeymen of recent years, the creaking, croaking Babadook – conjured from the creepiest pop-up book of all time – brings terror to the traumatised pair of young Sam and his mother Amelia (Essie Davis). There’s no shaking his sharp fingers and horrifying grin, or that signature rattling cry: ‘Baaaa-baaa-doooook!’ And his real identity (a – SPOILER ALERT – physical manifestation of Amelia’s grief over her late husband) brings poignancy beyond that terrifying silhouette. All that, and he became an unlikely LGBTQ+ icon – who else has that kind of range? 57 - Henry Henry Played by: Michael Rooker Film(s): Henry: Portrait of a Serial Killer Michael Rooker's frighteningly humdrum performance as a no-nonsense monster in John MacNaughton's dead-eyed character study gave audiences everywhere chills... and Rooker a career that sees him playing heavies and weirdos to this day. 56 - Tangina Tangina Played by: Zelda Rubinstein Film(s): Poltergeist 'When your little girl/Has been kidnapped by The Beast, who you gonna call?' Zelda Rubinstein, apparently. The 4'3" actress, with a voice that sounds like a possessed doll, is a weird and unforgettable presence in Tobe Hooper's brilliant haunted house movie, showing up near the end to do battle with the darkness armed with nothing but a rope, some tennis balls and unshakeable faith. 55 - Tommy Jarvis Tommy Jarvis Played by: Corey Feldman, John Shepherd, Thom Mathews Film(s): Friday the 13th Part VI: Jason Lives (1986), Friday the 13th: The Final Chapter (1984) The only opponent worthy of defeating Jason Voorhees, Tommy was played across three different films by three actors, beginning with Corey Feldman in the laughably-titled Final Chapter. Back then, he was a kid obsessed with movie make-up who uses his skills to lure Jason to his death. Part V's A New Beginning saw him become a borderline Jason himself; Jason Lives saw genre favourite Thom Mathews inadvertently resurrect Jason, then spend the rest of the movie Keystone Kopping his way around Camp Crystal Lake while scores of innocents perished. Dr. Loomis he ain't. 54 - Blade Blade Played by: Wesley Snipes Film(s): Blade, Blade II, Blade: Trinity Unusually violent for a Marvel property, Blade avoids the moral ambiguities of the similarly trigger-happy Punisher by only slaughtering vampires. He's also cooler than Steve McQueen at the South Pole. 53 - Asami Asami Played by: Eihi Shiina Film(s): Audition She's a serial seducer and torturer who keeps her victims in sacks. Remember, words create lies but pain can be trusted. Kiri kiri kiri... 52 - Pazuzu Pazuzu Played by: Mercedes McCambridge (voice) Film(s): The Exorcist It's the mocking, malevolent entity that seizes hold of an innocent young girl and proceeds to turn her into a hellish shock jock, so that it can settle old scores with two priests. Besides that, Pazuzu has a lot to answer for: virtually every screen demon since has been a thinly-veiled rip-off, down to the face (yes, Pazuzu's true visage is glimpsed subliminally, but there's no doubt that it can also be seen in Regan's twisted, mutated features) and Mercedes McCambridge's eggs-fags-and-whiskey voice. 51 - Van Helsing Van Helsing Played by: Peter Cushing Film(s): Horror of Dracula (1958) Not the original iteration of Bram Stoker's vampire killing Dutch doctor, of course, but by far the best. Cushing plays his Van Helsing with a cut-glass English accent, and a sense of moral rectitude and purpose as sharp as his stakes. His look of triumph upon reducing Christopher Lee's Dracula to ash in the original Hammer movie is as dastardly as this good Doctor (Cushing actually played the role several times, although it wasn't always the same Van Helsing) ever gets. 50 - Count Orlok Count Orlok Played by: Max Schreck Film(s): Nosferatu Monster monster! The original - and some would say, best - screen vampire is a balding, rat-like, inhuman creature whose very shadow has more personality and menace than a thousand imitators. 49 – Pennywise IT Chapter 2©NOW TV Played by: Tim Curry, Bill Skarsgard Film(s): It (1990), It (2017), It Chapter Two (2019) Of all the guises that ‘It’ takes across Stephen King’s tale, it’s telling that the shape-shifting cosmic entity of purest evil takes on the form of a clown. Because who isn’t terrified of clowns? If Tim Curry’s incarnation made the TV miniseries iconic, Bill Skarsgard still managed to make the Dancing Clown his own in Andy Muschietti’s films, the actor using his very own real-life special effect: the ability to make one of his eyes veer off at a creepy angle. Nightmare-fodder. 48 - Jack Griffin Jack Griffin Played by: Claude Rains Film(s): The Invisible Man Rains is unnervingly crazy as the scientist who accidentally disappears himself. The invisibility effects, to this day, border on magic. "What do you think of that, eh?!" 47 - Cesare Cesare Played by: Conrad Veidt Film(s): The Cabinet of Dr Caligari The great Conrad Veidt is touching as the sleepwalking slave - very nearly a homunculus - of Dr. Caligari, forced to murder innocents until he's beguiled by the beauty of Lil Dagover's Jane. Cesare meets his end, in somewhat unorthodox fashion for a Big Bad, from exhaustion. 46 - Victor Frankenstein Frankenstein Played by: Peter Cushing Film(s): The Curse Of Frankenstein For a man who was known as the Nicest Guy In Showbiz, Peter Cushing did have an amazing talent for playing rotten bastards. His take on Baron Victor Frankenstein is a bold one, a 180 from Colin Clive's noble scientist in the Universal films. Victor is a wild-eyed nutter, entirely focused on his goal of creating life from death - and if, along the way, he has to create a few deaths from life in order to get that little bit closer to being a living God, then so be it. Cushing, steely-eyed and dastardly from the off, is fantastic here, creating a character that would reappear in six sequels (one of which doesn't star Cushing). 45 - John Rider John Rider Played by: Rutger Hauer Film(s): The Hitcher Enigmatic evil from Rutger Hauer, as the hitch-hiking psychopath desperate to be stopped by a worthy opponent. He's ruthless enough to tear someone in half with a truck, playful enough to place a severed finger in a plate of French fries. 44 - Carrie White Carrie White Played by: Sissy Spacek Film(s): Carrie Oppressed, bullied and ignored, Carrie White (a gift of a role for Sissy Spacek) is a powder keg of burgeoning telekinetic power, just waiting to explode at her school prom. Many die at Carrie's hand - or, more accurately, mind - that night, but impressively she remains the film's true victim. 43 - Herbert West Herbert West Played by: Jeffrey Combs Film(s): Re-Animator One of cinema's greatest mad scientists, Jeffrey Combs' nerdish psychopath is a morbid delight, whether it's beating a zombie cat to death or struggling to escape from killer intestines. 42 - The Phantom The Phantom Played by: Lon Chaney Film(s): The Phantom Of The Opera Lon Chaney was famously known as The Man Of A Thousand Faces, but really one stands out above the other 999: Erik, the masked madman who lurks in the bowels of the Paris Opera House and develops a dangerous obsession with a young ingenue. When she finally pulls off his mask, the results, especially for a 1925 audience, were horrifying. Chaney, of course, came up with the make-up, redolent of Skeletor's chartered accountant cousin Norman - himself. 41 – Chris Washington Get Out Played by: Daniel Kaluuya Film: Get Out (2017) It might be the defining horror image of the 2010s: Daniel Kaluuya sat in a brown leather chair, eyes wide and horrified, tears streaming down his cheeks as his consciousness sinks into a starry void. He’s a Black man in a world of literal bodily appropriation, fighting for survival against the racism lingering just beneath the surface of supposed liberal Western civilisation – and watching him let rip in the final act is pure catharsis. 40 - Jason Voorhees Jason Voorhees Played by: Various Film(s): Jason X, Freddy vs. Jason, Friday the 13th, Friday The 13th Part 2 (1981), Friday the 13th Part III (1981), Friday the 13th Part III (1982), Friday the 13th Part VI: Jason Lives (1986), Friday the 13th Part VII: The New Blood (1988), Friday the 13th Part VIII: Jason Takes Manhattan (1989), Friday the 13th: A New Beginning (1985), Friday the 13th: The Final Chapter (1984), Jason Goes to Hell: The Final Friday (1993) Let's be frank: when it comes to chopping up teenagers, Jason may be more creative than Michael Myers, but he has none of the genuine menace or the interesting backstory. In fact, when Jason shows up as a readymade killing machine in Friday The 13th Part 2, it makes next-to-no-sense, given the events of the first film. Still, the mask, the machete and the massacring are all too iconic for him not to rank highly, even if he did descend into self-parody long before the end. 39 - Robert Thorn Robert Thorn Played by: Gregory Peck Film(s): The Omen Played with sublime gruffness and unfolding layers of guilt by Gregory Peck (who, along with Richard Donner, believed he was making a thriller, rather than a supernatural horror), Thorn gives The Omen a rock-solid foundation on which to ladle the scares. It's hard to imagine anyone but Peck selling the 'When the Jews return to Zion' speech. Just ask Liev Schreiber. 38 - Ben Ben Played by: Duane Jones Film(s): Night of the Living Dead George A. Romero's debut was groundbreaking for the horror genre in a number of ways, including its protagonist. It's hard, now, to overstate the impact that Duane Jones's Ben had at the time. Not only was he a black hero at the height of the Civil Rights movement, in the same year that Martin Luther King was assassinated, but he was a black hero who was smart, sassy, proactive, and who survived. That is, of course, until Romero's pointed ending, in which Ben is 'mistaken' for a zombie and shot by a bunch of rednecks. 37 – Red / Adelaide Us (2019) Played by: Lupita Nyong’o Film(s): Us (2019) Good luck ever getting her voice out of your head. Adelaide is a woman just trying to mind her own business and take care of her family, but a group of doppelgängers, who we’ll come to know as the Tethered, have other ideas. The way Nyong’o shifts between Adelaide and her Tethered, Red, is nothing short of masterful – the terror in her eyes and the horrifying rasp in her voice, as if always gasping for air, is enough to give you nightmares for weeks. You’re welcome. 36 - Laurie Strode Laurie Strode Played by: Jamie Lee Curtis Film(s): Halloween Jamie Lee Curtis' stalked 'sitter becomes, arguably, less interesting later when she's saddled with being Michael Myers' stalked sister. But she's still the resourceful, indefatigable horror heroine to beat. 35 - Henry Frankenstein Henry Frankenstein Played by: Colin Clive Film(s): Frankenstein Although he shouts "It's alive!" in a manner that sparked hundreds of imitators, Colin Clive's Henry Frankenstein isn't the insaniac that many screen Frankensteins are. He's clearly one bolt short, but Clive plays Frankenstein as a driven, hungry young scientist who is almost immediately consumed by regret and guilt once he sees what he has created. Perhaps because audiences in the 1930s needed someone to root for, Clive is alive by the movie's end, and is more heroic still in Bride Of Frankenstein, where he's coerced into continuing with his experiments. 34 - Dracula Dracula Played by: Bela Lugosi Film(s): Dracula (1931) "Listen to them. Children of the night. What music they make." Bela Lugosi made an impact that few actors have equalled before or since as the scheming, fiendish Transvylanian c(o)unt in Tod Browning's 1931 version. Based on a stage play, Lugosi's is by far the most verbose of screen Draculas, wrapping that magnificent Hungarian accent around lines like the above while, with his burning stare and Ray Reardon hair, he's possibly the most iconic screen vampire of them all. Maybe even more so than Christopher Lee's version. 33 - Sgt. Howie Howie Played by: Edward Woodward Film(s): The Wicker Man Why does Sgt. Howie burn so easily? Because he's made of Wood! Ward. Dammit. Anyway, The Artist Formerly Known As Eewah Woowah is hugely impressive in Robin Hardy's classic as the puritanical Scottish cop whose moral rectitude and outrage at the pagan rituals he finds on Summerisle is outweighed only by the sheer size of the brick in his boxers when he spies the Wicker Man and realises his imminent fate. Oh, Christ! Oh, Jesus Christ! 32 - Sadako Sadako Played by: Rie Inō Film(s): Ring, Ring 2 The most chilling of the stream of raven-haired J-horror ghosts, Sadako is the ultimate video nasty. Hideo Nakata's original Japanese version is much more terrifying than Gore Verbinski's American remake precisely because it has the balls not to show us Sadako's face, trusting instead that a close-up of a vengeful eye will be enough to make us rush to unplug the telly. 31 - Dr. William Weir William Weir Played by: Sam Neill Film(s): Event Horizon It's clear that Sam Neill's Dr. William Weir is a mite crazy even before he gets on board the ship that he created; a ship that has become, literally, a gateway to Hell. He's plagued by visions of his dead wife, something that's only exacerbated by the presence on board, a presence that soon claims the good Doctor and puts the 'Weir' in 'weird'. Before you can say 'Jurassic Park', Weir has plucked his eyes out and is running around naked, bumping off the crew one by one with gleeful abandon while hissing lines like 'Where we're going, we won't need eyes to see'. Who'd have thought a naked, eyeless Sam Neill would be so terrifying? Don't answer that. 30 - Eli Eli Played by: Lina Leandersson Film(s): Let The Right One In Lina Leandersson's wicked inversion of the girl next door, reinvented as an age-old vampire trapped in the body of a wide-eyed teen, forms a morbid and mutually dependent relationship with her young death-obsessed neighbour, Oskar. 29 - Jack Goodman Jack Goodman Played by: Griffin Dunne Film(s): An American Werewolf In London "Have you ever tried talking to a corpse? It's boring." Griffin Dunne's ever-decomposing zombie best friend lights up American Werewolf every time he appears, putting the 'dead' in deadpan. 28 - Pinhead Pinhead Played by: Doug Bradley Film(s): Hellraiser Although his impact was watered down by a phalanx of terrible sequels, it's no surprise that Doug Bradley's demonic torturer - billed simply as 'Lead Cenobite' in the first movie - became the focal point of the Hellraiser series. His appearance alone is startling, as is the deep, treacly British accent, but Pinhead's a fascinating character far removed from Freddy or Jason or any other '80s movie monster. He's not, initially at least, a stalk'n'slasher, but a complex character who's only interested in one thing: meting out punishment to those who deserve it. Or is it pleasure? As far as Pinhead's concerned, it's one and the same thing, the kinky bastard. 27 - Regan Regan Played by: Linda Blair Film(s): The Exorcist In many ways, expecting Linda Blair to forge a successful career post-Exorcist was unfair, because this is a role, and a performance, that 99% of actors could never top. Blair is extraordinarily brave as the young girl corrupted by Pazuzu, going to a host of dark places and enduring a number of indignities with the fearlessness that only children can possess. Yes, Dick Smith's astonishing make-up and Mercedes McCambridge's rasping voice does some of the heavy lifting, but without Blair's rock-solid base upon which to build, Regan wouldn't have half the lasting impact she does. Also, some of the most affecting scenes show Regan pre-transformation, when Blair perfectly captures the panic of a young girl who doesn't understand why her body is, all of a sudden, betraying her. 26 - Rosemary Woodhouse Rosemary's Baby Played by: Mia Farrow Film(s): Rosemary's Baby An unforgettable Mia Farrow is the gentle soul driven to distraction and madness when she suspects that she's at the centre of a supernatural conspiracy. Of course, she's absolutely bang on about that, but the most disturbing moment in Roman Polanski's movie comes at the end when the conspiracy is revealed and Rosemary comes face-to-face and eye-to-lizardy-eye with her baby, the scion of Satan, and begins cooing like any devoted mother would. 25 - Quint Quint Played by: Robert Shaw Film(s): Jaws Robert Shaw was a force of nature as a man, so it's only fitting that his most memorable screen role follows suit. Quint, the Ahab-a-like shark hunter who becomes obsessed with hunting down the Great White munching on tourists in Amity, has one of the most memorable entrances (nails down the blackboard) and exits (bitten in half, blood spurting from his nose in distressing fashion) in movie history. Inbetween, Quint is a roaring, raving maniac, singing old sea shanties and snarling for New England. And then comes the speech about the Indianapolis, the origins of which have been forever debated. But here's one thing that's incontrovertible: whoever wrote the words, Shaw says 'em with a gusto and a gravitas that tips Quint over from larger-than-life a-hole to tragic hero. Genius. 24 - Nancy Thompson Nancy Thompson Played by: Heather Langenkamp Film(s): A Nightmare On Elm Street, A Nightmare on Elm Street 3: Dream Warriors Heather Langenkamp is the original Dream Scream Queen, the first nemesis of Freddy Krueger, smart enough and plucky enough to take on the four-fingered fiend not once, not twice, but three times (if you count Wes Craven's brilliant New Nightmare, in which Langenkamp plays herself). The key to confronting Freddy seems to be in Nancy's demeanour. From the off, she seems a lot older, wiser and more self-assured than her years. She's far from the flighty teenagers who usually populate movies like this, and that level-headedness comes in handy when she's confronting Krueger in his boiler room, or running up porridge stairs. 23 - Bum Bum Played by: Bonnie Aarons Film(s): Mulholland Drive Inexorable nightmare logic and an atmosphere of utter dread leads to this massive jump scare behind the Winkies diner. If you're wondering how a character that appears in just one scene can be so high up on this list, just count the nightmares. 22 - Ripley Ripley Played by: Sigourney Weaver Film(s): Alien, Alien 3, Alien Resurrection, Aliens The role that made a star out of Susan Alexandra Weaver, Ellen Ripley (of course, we don't learn that she's called Ellen until Aliens) is a put-upon, long-suffering but steely warrant officer on board the good ship Nostromo, who finds that she must step up to the plate when a slimy bastard with acid for blood starts treating her crew as an all-you-can-eat buffet. Ripley has always been painted as an indomitable force of nature, but what's interesting about Alien, in particular, is how willing Weaver was to show that she's absolutely bloody terrified, even as she musters up the courage to blow the thing out of the goddamn airlock. 21 - Rhodes Rhodes Played by: Joe Pilato Film(s): Day Of The Dead Joe Pilato's blackhearted soldier is insane when we first meet him, and only spirals downwards from there, his raging bloodlust way more dangerous than any zombie. His comeuppance, yelling "CHOKE ON 'EMMMMMMM!'" at a group of zombies as they rip him in two and feast on his intestines, is iconic, influential and still not half of what the bastard deserves. 20 - The Bride The Bride Played by: Else Lanchester Film(s): Bride of Frankenstein English actress Elsa Lanchester only has a few minutes of screentime as the eponymous bride in James Whale's 1935 sequel (she bolsters that by starring as Mary Shelley in the framing device), but pound-for-pound, second-for-second, it's arguable that no horror character makes so much with so little. Jerking her face and body like a prototype Harryhausen creation, with her beehive hairdo streaked through with white, Lanchester is an instant icon. Such a shame that The Bride - specifically built so that Boris Karloff's Monster can have someone to love and bump really uglies with - instantly rejects her betrothed. These mail order marriages never work out. 19 - Jigsaw Jigsaw Played by: Tobin Bell Film(s): Saw, Saw 3D, Saw II, Saw III, Saw IV, Saw V, Saw VI Walter White isn't the only cancer victim to break bad. When Tobin Bell's John Kramer is diagnosed with an inoperable tumour, he attempts to take his own life, but fails. In that moment, he becomes his very own Heisenberg as The Jigsaw Killer, a twisted genius who traps his victims in elaborate scenarios designed to make them appreciate the fact that they're alive - if they survive, of course. Kramer's curious moral code (look back at the films and you could even argue that he never directly kills anyone; his victims all contribute to their own downfall) makes him, by some distance, the most interesting screen monster since Freddy Krueger. It's a shame that Bell was relegated to flashback work for the last few instalments. 18 - Dr. Loomis Loomis Played by: Donald Pleasance Film(s): Halloween "I met this six-year-old child, with this blank, pale, emotionless face, and the blackest eyes... the devil's eyes. I spent eight years trying to reach him, and then another seven trying to keep him locked up because I realized that what was living behind that boy's eyes was purely and simply... evil." With that one statement, Donald Pleasance's psychiatrist, the man charged with finding out just what the hell is wrong with impassive killer Michael Myers, blows doctor-patient confidentiality out of the window. Later on, he blows Myers himself out of the window with six shots from a revolver, and hippocratic oath be damned. Sam Loomis is, of course, the only person who knows how dangerous Michael Myers can be, and so tracks him all the way from his escape from the lunatic asylum to Haddonfield, where he's fairly sure Michael is going to go loco once more. Pleasance, here starting a fruitful relationship with John Carpenter, is brilliant: part Basil Exposition, part hero, never unafraid to show that Loomis is utterly bricking it and, perhaps more importantly, that prolonged exposure to those blackest eyes, the devil's eyes, has driven Loomis more than a little bit mad himself. 17 - Clarice Starling Clarice Starling Played by: Jodie Foster Film(s): The Silence Of The Lambs Jodie Foster bagged her second Oscar for her beautiful portrayal of a young, nervous FBI agent who becomes locked into a dangerously intrusive relationship - far, far from quid pro quo - with Anthony Hopkins' Hannibal Lecter. Surrounded on all sides by leering male figures (the loathesome Dr. Chilton, Lecter, Buffalo Bill), Foster is amazing as a green-behind-the-ears but astoundingly capable and intelligent woman desperately trying to forge her way in a world dominated by men. 16 - Harry Powell Harry Powell Played by: Robert Mitchum Film(s): The Night Of The Hunter Robert Mitchum's preacher has 'love' tattooed on one hand, and 'hate' on the other, but there's never any doubt in Charles Laughton's superb directorial debut (and one-off) about which way Harry Powell leans. A cold-blooded killer who bashes more than the Bible, Powell is an implacable, unstoppable predecessor of characters like The Terminator, taking his sweet time to hunt down two cute kids who have run off with a bag of cash that he thinks should be his. Often seen in silhouette, Mitchum is never more chilling than in the sequence where he sings hymns with Lillian Gish's Rachel, as she stands guard over the children with a shotgun at her lap and God by her side. 15 - Leatherface LEATHERFACE Played by: Gunnar Hansen Film(s): The Texas Chain Saw Massacre The poster child of Tobe Hooper's horrifying original (and all the unfortunate sequels, remakes and remake prequels that followed), Leatherface is the sort of guy who gives DIY enthusiasts a bad name. A maniac of a manchild who, in the original at least, has a mask for every occasion (made out of the skin of former victims, a trait nicked from the real-life killer Ed Gein), Leatherface is the attack dog of the Sawyer family, looming out of the darkness to kill people with one blow of a hammer, hang others on hooks, and wave a chainsaw around in a manner that would frankly infuriate Tim The Toolman Taylor. Played with genuine menace by Gunnar Hansen, Leatherface was divested of much of his scariness in the subsequent sequels, but we'll always have Texas. 14 - Jack Torrance Jack Torrance Played by: Jack Nicholson Film(s): The Shining All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes jack a dull boy All work and no lay makes Jack a dul boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy. 13 - Ed ED Played by: Nick Frost Film(s): Shaun of the Dead There's a very real possibility that, had Ed been played by any other actor, he wouldn't be on this list. For Shaun's best friend is, and let's be frank here, an absolute tit, a sponging freeloader who says inappropriate things at the worst possible times, makes hideous life choices, and takes his friends for granted. If he hadn't been played by the innately likeable Nick Frost, there's a chance we'd have been begging for him to be bitten by the end of the first act. As it is, when Ed does go down, there's a note of real tragedy. 12 - Bub BUB Played by: Howard Sherman Film(s): Day Of The Dead The greatest zombie of all time: fact. Howard Sherman's Bub - presumably named after Wolverine's favourite term of endearment (it can't be a coincidence that another character in Day Of The Dead is named 'Logan') - is the natural culmination of the evolution of zombies throughout his original Dead trilogy. Bub is a 'good' zombie, one who vaguely remembers his past life as a soldier, who salutes when he sees superior officers, who revels in culture (he listens to Beethoven and 'reads' Stephen King) and doesn't necessarily want to eat human flesh. Brilliantly played by Sherman, who makes the character almost childlike in his movements, Bub is a bright spot of innocence in a movie filled with some horrible deeds and characters. Intriguingly, at the end, he becomes the hero, gunning down the movie's villain, Rhodes. Even then, though, there's a sense of regret that his purity has been corrupted. 11 - R. J. MacReady Macready Played by: Kurt Russell Film(s): The Thing Snake Plissken has the patch and the flash, but R.J. MacReady is the greatest product of the fruitful friendship between John Carpenter and Kurt Russell. A cynic and budding drunk, MacReady, an outsider in the camp who lives apart from the rest of the men, comes into his own when the shit starts assailing the fan. Effortlessly cool (and sometimes cold), Mac is a wonderful character: smart enough to come up with the blood test theory, dumb enough to mistake Norwegians for "crazy Swedes" and noble enough to sacrifice himself, and his colleagues, for the rest of mankind. And even then, he goes out on his own terms, swigging Scotch straight from the bottle while the camp burns all around him. 10 - Father Merrin Father Merrin Played by: Max von Sydow Film(s): The Exorcist Years after playing chess with Death, Max von Sydow donned a dog collar and seamless old-age make-up to play Rock Paper Scissors with the Devil himself. Father Lankester Merrin is a noble, implacable soul who, unlike Jason Miller's Damien Karras, has faced demons before, and knows how deceitful they can be. It's just a shame that his flesh isn't quite as unwavering as his spirit. Merrin is, of course, the star of the film's poster and the title itself, but - prologue aside - Merrin doesn't really show up until near the film's end and, once there, he's virtually straight into compelling Pazuzu with the power of Christ. Nevertheless, the impact von Sydow makes as Merrin cannot be overstated: just check out any Exorcist parody, and there'll always be a Merrin figure there, while Karras is often overlooked. 9 - Norman Bates Norman Bates Played by: Anthony Perkins Film(s): Psycho "We all go a little mad sometimes," says Anthony Perkins, so unforgettably quirky as the proprietor of the world's worst motel. Well, yes, but we don't all stab innocent people in the shower, hide their bodies in a swamp, or keep the corpse of our mums in the basement while dressing up as them to carry out unspeakable murders now, do we? Five stars in Empire, one star on TripAdvisor. Swings and roundabouts. 8 - Damien Thorn Damien Thorn Played by: Harvey Stephens Film(s): The Omen A walking advert for contraception, Harvey Stephens' teeny terror – product of the unholy union between the Devil and a jackal – is perhaps even more unsettling given that, in The Omen, he's unaware of his propensity for evil. He's just a kid, a tremendously creepy kid around whom bad things just happen to occur. As good as Jonathan Scott-Taylor and Sam Neill are as the teenage Damien and suave older Thorn in Damien: Omen II and Omen III: The Final Conflict, it's Stephens' ability to convey implacable, albeit unwitting evil in an innocent vessel that really clinches it. 7 - Dracula Dracula Played by: Christopher Lee Film(s): Horror Of Dracula (1958) Tall, domineering and genuinely aristocratic, Christopher Lee was a far better fit for Count Dracula's cape than he was for the rags of Frankenstein's creature. Lee was in his mid-30s when he bagged the role that would come to define his career, and he understood from the off that his vampire would have to differ substantially from previous incumbent Bela Lugosi. And so it does. Lee's Dracula is a force of nature: red-eyed, blood dripping from fangs, often in the grip of rage. He's hypnotic, physically powerful, well-spoken, but Lee also understood - crucially - that an important layer from Bram Stoker's novel had been missing from Lugosi's performance: sexuality. Lee's Dracula is a rampant sex fiend, using that stare to make buxom ladies everywhere come over a little faint. Of course, this being the 1950s, we never see Dracula seal the deal, so to speak, but we like to think it involves at least one verse of The Impossible Dream. 6 - Frankenstein's Monster Frankenstein Played by: Boris Karloff Film(s): Bride Of Frankenstein, Frankenstein The first and best version of Dr. Frankenstein's (well, really, Mary Shelley's) cobbled-together creation, James Whale's classic made a jobbing British character actor into a huge star. His numerous appearances on this list indicate that he was able to forge a career outside the nuts and bolts of the Monster, but William Henry Pratt - sorry, Boris Karloff - will always be inextricably linked with his lumbering creation. Karloff's trick was not just to create a visual template that defines the Monster to this day, but to see the creature as much more than a creature, to imbue it with a genuine longing to be whole again, to be human, to have a friend, to have a soul. These moments of calm - smoking with the blind hermit, or throwing stones into a lake with a young girl - make the tragedy of the inevitable storm all the greater. 5 - Michael Myers Midsommar Played by: Nick Castle Film(s): Halloween At first glance, there's precious little that's interesting about Michael Myers. Yes, he shares a name with Austin Powers. Yes, he wears an inside-out, dyed William Shatner mask. But otherwise, he's just a blank, remorseless, mute killing machine like Jason Voorhees, slaughtering transgressive teens in their dozens, right? Well, wrong. As imagined by John Carpenter and brilliantly played by stuntman Nick Castle, Myers - aka The Shape, aka The Haddonfield Hacker (ok, we made that one up) - is the literal embodiment of pure evil, an unstoppable, glassy-eyed abyss staring right back at us. This particular abyss just happens to have a thing for butcher knives. Myers is also far more psychologically interesting than Jason or any of the myriad copycats that followed in his wake; for him, it's mostly about family. There's also an interesting wrinkle with Myers that you sense Carpenter wanted to leave hanging, open to interpretation. The last lines of Halloween are "Was it the boogeyman?"; "As a matter of fact, it was". Then we see that Myers has survived six bullets and a fall from a second-storey window. He now lurks everywhere, his breathing dominating the soundtrack. Why? Because there's a supernatural tinge here. How else can you explain his indestructibility? His penchant for appearing and disappearing, seemingly at will? Because he is the Boogeyman. 4 - Peter Happy Death Day Played by: Ken Foree Film(s): Dawn of the Dead The coolest character in any Romero zombie film (and, by extension, any zombie film), Ken Foree's SWAT guy is cooler than a cucumber Cornetto, equally adroit at wearing turtlenecks and cooking romantic meals as he is roundhouse-kicking zombies and ominously intoning, 'When there's no more room in Hell, the dead will walk the Earth'. When the world goes to pot, we'd like to be like Peter. He's the reason why Simon Pegg's Shaun works at Foree Electric, and Foree is electric here. Knowing our luck, we'll be more like Peter Mannion. 3 - Hannibal Lecter The Conjuring Played by: Anthony Hopkins Film(s): Hannibal, Red Dragon, The Silence Of The Lambs Jonathan Demme's adaptation of Thomas Harris' serial killer novel is magnificent, but every time that Anthony Hopkins appears on screen, it becomes a fully-fledged masterpiece. His Hannibal Lecter is parceled out throughout the film, dispensed to us in, appropriately enough, bitesized chunks, offering sinister advice and wisdom to Jodie Foster's Clarice Starling. Hopkins played Lecter, the brilliant psychiatrist turned incarcerated cannibal, as part-bird, part-Dracula. The combination is unforgettable. There are still those who would lobby to have Brian Cox's Lecktor, from Michael Mann's Manhunter, recognised as the best screen iteration of Hannibal, but it's the Oscar-winning, iconic, endlessly quoted Hopkins who gleefully sank his teeth into the zeitgeist. Let's hope he washed it down with a nice chianti. 2 - Freddy Kreuger Saint Maud Played by: Robert Englund Film(s): A Nightmare on Elm Street, A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge, A Nightmare on Elm Street 3: Dream Warriors, A Nightmare on Elm Street 4: The Dream Master, A Nightmare on Elm Street 5: The Dream Child, Freddy vs. Jason, Freddy's Dead: The Final Nightmare, Wes Craven's New Nightmare Wes Craven reached into his nightmares and pulled out the greatest screen monster of them all. Craven fused Freddy Krueger from a combination of real-life experiences (he once had a scary encounter with a homeless man upon whose look he would base Freddy's appearance) and a fanciful notion about a monster who could operate in the dreamscape, a terrifying notion. Robert Englund - then best known as the nice alien, Willy, from V - revelled in the chance to give vent to his inner demons, pocking his voice with cruel, taunting hate, his face scarred and blemished beyond recognition. It was a marriage made in, well, Not Heaven. Freddy was built to be an instantly recognisable icon, with the hat and the scars and the glove made of four razor-sharp knives. What's interesting, though, is how the character mutated. His first and last appearances, both directed by Craven (we're ignoring Freddy Vs Jason for the sake of our theory and our sanity), see a truly sinister, frightening Freddy: a coldblooded killer, preying on kids (a child molester was, Craven has said, the very worst thing he could think of) with nary a one-liner in sight. But as the sequels (some of which have merit) progressed, and Freddy became the star of the show, the deaths became more elaborate, and Krueger himself became almost comedic, almost like Roger Moore's Bond, a wisecracking machine built of pure irony. It's testament to the character's strong foundations, and Englund's brilliant performance, that both versions of Freddy remain equally memorable. 1 - Ash It Chapter Two Played by: Bruce Campbell Film(s): Army of Darkness, Evil Dead II, The Evil Dead Here is your number one, and The Chin has it by an overwhelming margin. Good thing, too, as we didn't want to have to get out our boomstick. Let's be very clear here: the Ashley Williams of The Evil Dead is not the number one horror character of all time. He's a very different creation, a passive, almost cowardly character who becomes the hero of the film almost through default (being best mates with the director didn't exactly hurt). And as much as we love Army Of Darkness it's hard to make a case for that Ash – an unapologetic idiotic American abroad who shoots first, asks questions later – being number one as well. The Ash of Evil Dead II, though? That's a different story altogether, and it was clear from your votes that you feel the same. When Sam Raimi and Bruce Campbell came together on Evil Dead II, they were a more confident acting/directing team, but they had also (Raimi especially) just come off a flop in Crimewave. They had nothing to lose, and so they built the kind of horror hero they wanted to see: a swaggering, stone-faced, super-cool ass-kicker, as if someone had parachuted Clint Eastwood into the middle of a horror film. But Evil Dead II's Ash is much more than that. Raimi and Campbell's impish shared sense of humour saw to it. It's about the evolution of a hero, the birth of a badass, as Ash is dragged – sometimes literally – kicking and screaming – again, sometimes literally – from a hapless haunted husk of a man to the sort of grizzled action hero who can look a giant demon in the face and slide a chainsaw into its eye. Raimi has often said that torturing Campbell is fun. It may even be his raison d'etre, and it's fascinating to see the sheer hell that Ash is put through in Evil Dead II. He's possessed, near drowned, hit with branches (wielded by Raimi himself), flung through car windshields, smacked on the head with pottery, chucked down wooden stairs, driven mad by laughing household objects, covered in more blood and goo than you could shake a large stick covered in blood and goo at and, of course, has his right hand seized by demonic bailiffs. But it's all part of this particular hero's torturous journey as he finally mans up and does what anyone would do in that situation: weld a chainsaw to the bloody stump, arm himself with a sawn-off shotgun, and start speaking almost entirely in one-liners. Groovy. We asked Bruce Campbell how he felt on being voted number one: "How do I feel? I feel pretty fucking good. I think your readers are fine, intelligent, discerning people with obviously a lot of taste. The Ash character we like doing because he's an evolving character, a very flawed character. In the first Evil Dead he's a worthless git who slowly learns how to survive. The second one, he's got a little more abilities, he's like a Vietnam veteran in the second, and by the third one he's a full, ugly American who causes the deaths of hundreds of innocent people through his ignorance. What a great leading character. Hollywood would never allow that character, which is why I love those movies so much. But audiences eat it up. I think the Ash character is endearing to some people because he doesn't really know what he's doing!" Victorian era Article Talk Read View source View history Tools This is a good article. Click here for more information. Page semi-protected From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia "Victorian society" redirects here. For the UK amenity society, see The Victorian Society. Victorian era 1837–1901 Painting of Queen Victoria by Franz Xaver Winterhalter (1859) Monarch(s) Victoria Leader(s) The Viscount Melbourne Sir Robert Peel Lord John Russell The Earl of Derby The Earl of Aberdeen The Viscount Palmerston Benjamin Disraeli William Ewart Gladstone The Marquess of Salisbury The Earl of Rosebery Chronology Regency era Edwardian era Part of a series on the History of the United Kingdom BRITANNIA prout divisa fuit temporibus ANGLO-SAXONUM, praesertim durante illorum HEPTARCHIA Timeline Georgian period Napoleonic Wars Regency period Victorian period Edwardian period First World War Interwar period Second World War Post-war period (political) Post-war period (social) Modern history (political) Modern history (social) Topics Economic history Labour law Law enforcement Mass surveillance Jewish history LGBT history History of the monarchy Women's history Military history Taxation flag United Kingdom portal vte Periods in English history Prehistoric Britain until c. 43 AD Roman Britain c. 43–410 Sub-Roman Britain 410-c. 449 Anglo-Saxon c. 449–1066 Norman/Angevin 1066–1216 Plantagenet 1216–1485 Tudor 1485–1603 Elizabethan 1558–1603 Stuart 1603–1714 Jacobean 1603–1625 Caroline 1625–1649 (Interregnum) 1649–1660 Restoration 1660–1714 Georgian era 1714–1837 Regency era 1811–1820 Victorian era 1837–1901 Edwardian era 1901–1914 First World War 1914–1918 Interwar Britain 1919–1939 Second World War 1939–1945 Post-war Britain (political) 1945–1979 Post-war Britain (social) 1945–1979 See also Political history (1979–present) Social history (1979–present) Timeline vte Part of a series on the History of Scotland Arms of Scotland SCOTIA REGNUM cum insulis adjacentibus Eras Prehistoric (timeline) 12,000 BC–700 BC During the Roman Empire 69–384 Middle Ages Early High Late Early Modern Modern History (timeline) Rule House of Alpin (843–878; 889–1040) House of Moray (1040–1058) House of Dunkeld (1058–1286) House of Balliol (1292–1296) House of Bruce (1306–1371) House of Stuart (1371–1652) (1660–1707) Commonwealth (1652–1660) Acts of Union 1707 Topics Scandinavian Scotland 793–1468Wars of independenceRenaissanceReformationRestorationGlorious RevolutionColonization of the AmericasEnlightenmentRomanticismClansThe Scots languageEconomicsEducationMilitaryMaritimeHistoriographyDemographyNatural history Culture ArchitectureArtThe KiltLiteraturePhilosophy Politics DevolutionLocal governmentScottish National PartyScottish Socialist Party Sport FootballRugby unionNational football teamGolf Religion Christianity Scottish ReformationScottish Episcopal ChurchGreat DisruptionJews and JudaismIslam and Muslims By region Edinburgh timelineGlasgow timeline flag Scotland portal vte In the history of the United Kingdom and the British Empire, the Victorian era was the reign of Queen Victoria, from 20 June 1837 until her death on 22 January 1901. Slightly different definitions are sometimes used. The era followed the Georgian era and preceded the Edwardian era, and its later half overlaps with the first part of the Belle Époque era of continental Europe. Various liberalising political reforms took place in the UK, including expanding the electoral franchise. The Great Famine caused mass death in Ireland early in the period. The British Empire had relatively peaceful relations with the other great powers. It participated in various military conflicts mainly against minor powers. The British Empire expanded during this period and was the predominant power in the world. Victorian society valued a high standard of personal conduct across all sections of society. The emphasis on morality gave impetus to social reform but also placed restrictions on certain groups' liberty. Prosperity rose during the period, but debilitating undernutrition persisted. Literacy and childhood education became near universal in Great Britain for the first time. Whilst some attempts were made to improve living conditions, slum housing and disease remained a severe problem. The period saw significant scientific and technological development. Britain was advanced in industry and engineering in particular, but somewhat undeveloped in art and education. Great Britain's population increased rapidly, while Ireland's fell sharply. Terminology and periodisation See also: Periodisation In the strictest sense, the Victorian era covers the duration of Victoria's reign as Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, from her accession on 20 June 1837—after the death of her uncle, William IV—until her death on 22 January 1901, after which she was succeeded by her eldest son, Edward VII. Her reign lasted 63 years and seven months, a longer period than any of her predecessors. The term 'Victorian' was in contemporaneous usage to describe the era.[1] The era has also been understood in a more extensive sense as a period that possessed sensibilities and characteristics distinct from the periods adjacent to it, in which case it is sometimes dated to begin before Victoria's accession—typically from the passage of or agitation for (during the 1830s) the Reform Act 1832, which introduced a wide-ranging change to the electoral system of England and Wales.[note 1] Definitions that purport a distinct sensibility or politics to the era have also created scepticism about the worth of the label 'Victorian', though there have also been defences of it.[2] Michael Sadleir was insistent that "in truth, the Victorian period is three periods, and not one".[3] He distinguished early Victorianism—the socially and politically unsettled period from 1837 to 1850[4]—and late Victorianism (from 1880 onwards), with its new waves of aestheticism and imperialism,[5] from the Victorian heyday: mid-Victorianism, 1851 to 1879. He saw the latter period as characterized by a distinctive mixture of prosperity, domestic prudery, and complacency[6]—what G. M. Trevelyan called the 'mid-Victorian decades of quiet politics and roaring prosperity'.[7] Politics, diplomacy and war Main articles: Political and diplomatic history of the Victorian era and United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Information circulated by the campaign of Lewis Pugh Pugh, a candidate at the 1880 general election in Cardiganshire (now known as Ceredigion), explaining to supporters how to vote. The Reform Act,[note 2] which made various changes to the electoral system including expanding the franchise, had been passed in 1832.[8] The franchise was expanded again by the Second Reform Act[note 3] in 1867.[9] The Third Reform Act in 1884 introduced a general principle of one vote per household. All these acts and others simplified the electoral system and reduced corruption. Historian Bruce L Kinzer describes these reforms as putting the United Kingdom on the path towards becoming a democracy. The traditional aristocratic ruling class attempted to maintain as much influence as possible while gradually allowing the middle- and working-classes a role in politics. However, all women and a large minority of men remained outside the system into the early 20th century.[10] Cities were given greater political autonomy and the labour movement was legalised.[11] From 1845 to 1852, the Great Famine caused mass starvation, disease and death in Ireland, sparking large-scale emigration.[12] The Corn Laws were repealed in response to this.[13] Across the British Empire, reform included rapid expansion, the complete abolition of slavery in the African possessions and the end of transportation of convicts to Australia. Restrictions on colonial trade were loosened and responsible (i.e. semi-autonomous) government was introduced in some territories.[14][15] Depiction of the defence of Rorke's Drift during the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 by Alphonse de Neuville (1880) Throughout most of the 19th century Britain was the most powerful country in the world.[16] The period from 1815 to 1914, known as the Pax Britannica, was a time of relatively peaceful relations between the world's great powers. This is particularly true of Britain's interactions with the others.[17] The only war in which the British Empire fought against another major power was the Crimean War, from 1853 to 1856.[18][14] There were various revolts and violent conflicts within the British Empire,[14][15] and Britain participated in wars against minor powers.[19][14][15] It also took part in the diplomatic struggles of the Great Game[19] and the Scramble for Africa.[14][15] In 1840, Queen Victoria married her German cousin Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. The couple had nine children, who themselves married into various royal families, and the queen thus became known as the 'grandmother of Europe'.[20][11] In 1861, Albert died.[19] Victoria went into mourning and withdrew from public life for ten years.[11] In 1871, with republican sentiments growing in Britain, she began to return to public life. In her later years, her popularity soared as she became a symbol of the British Empire. Queen Victoria died on 22 January 1901.[20] Society and culture The Victorian era saw a rapidly growing middle class who became an important cultural influence, to a significant extent replacing the aristocracy as British society's dominant class.[21][22] A distinctive middle-class lifestyle developed that influenced what society valued as a whole.[21][23] Increased importance was placed on the value of the family, and the idea that marriage should be based on romantic love gained popularity.[24][25] A clear separation was established between the home and the workplace, which had often not been the case before.[23] The home was seen as a private environment,[23] where housewives provided their husbands with a respite from the troubles of the outside world.[24] Within this ideal, women were expected to focus on domestic matters and to rely on men as breadwinners.[26][27] Women had limited legal rights in most areas of life, and a feminist movement developed.[27][28] Parental authority was seen as important, but children were given legal protections against abuse and neglect for the first time.[29] Access to education increased rapidly during the 19th century. State-funded schools were established in England and Wales for the first time. Education became compulsory for pre-teenaged children in England, Scotland and Wales. Literacy rates increased rapidly, and had become nearly universal by the end of the century.[30][31] Private education for wealthier children, boys and more gradually girls, became more formalised over the course of the century.[30] The growing middle class and strong evangelical movement placed great emphasis on a respectable and moral code of behaviour. This included features such as charity, personal responsibility, controlled habits,[note 4] child discipline and self-criticism.[22][32] As well as personal improvement, importance was given to social reform.[33] Utilitarianism was another philosophy that saw itself as based on science rather than on morality, but also emphasised social progress.[34][35] An alliance formed between these two ideological strands.[36] The reformers emphasised causes such as improving the conditions of women and children, giving police reform priority over harsh punishment to prevent crime, religious equality, and political reform in order to establish a democracy.[37] The political legacy of the reform movement was to link the nonconformists (part of the evangelical movement) in England and Wales with the Liberal Party.[38] This continued until the First World War.[39] The Presbyterians played a similar role as a religious voice for reform in Scotland.[40] Religion was politically controversial during this era, with Nonconformists pushing for the disestablishment of the Church of England.[41] Nonconformists comprised about half of church attendees in England in 1851,[note 5][42] and gradually the legal discrimination that had been established against them outside of Scotland was removed.[43][44][45][46] Legal restrictions on Roman Catholics were also largely removed. The number of Catholics grew in Great Britain due to conversions and immigration from Ireland.[41] Secularism and doubts about the accuracy of the Old Testament grew among people with higher levels of education.[47] Northern English and Scottish academics tended to be more religiously conservative, whilst agnosticism and even atheism (though its promotion was illegal)[48] gained appeal among academics in the south.[49] Historians refer to a 'Victorian Crisis of Faith', a period when religious views had to readjust to accommodate new scientific knowledge and criticism of the Bible.[50] A variety of reading materials grew in popularity during the period, including novels,[51] women's magazines,[52] children's literature,[53] and newspapers.[54] Much literature, including chapbooks, was distributed on the street.[55][56] Music was also very popular, with genres such as folk music, broadsides, music halls, brass bands, theater music and choral music having mass appeal. What is now called classical music was somewhat undeveloped compared to parts of Europe but did have significant support.[57] Many sports were introduced or popularised during the Victorian era.[58] They became important to male identity.[59] Examples included cricket,[60] football,[61] rugby,[62] tennis[63] and cycling.[64] The idea of women participating in sport did not fit well with the Victorian view of femininity, but their involvement did increase as the period progressed.[65] For the middle classes, many leisure activities such as table games could be done in the home while domestic holidays to rural locations such as the Lake District and Scottish Highlands were increasingly practical.[66] The working classes had their own culture separate from that of their richer counterparts, various cheaper forms of entertainment and recreational activities provided by philanthropy. Trips to resorts such as Blackpool were increasingly popular towards the end of period.[67] Initially the industrial revolution increased working hours, but over the course of the 19th century a variety of political and economic changes caused them to fall back down to and in some cases below pre-industrial levels, creating more time for leisure.[68] Recreation of a Victorian parlour at Nidderdale Museum, Yorkshire Recreation of a Victorian parlour at Nidderdale Museum, Yorkshire Cheap meals for poor children in East London (1870) Cheap meals for poor children in East London (1870) Leisure Hours (1855), depiction of a man resting by George Hardy Leisure Hours (1855), depiction of a man resting by George Hardy Economy, industry, and trade Further information: Economy, industry, and trade of the Victorian era; Industrial Revolution; and Second Industrial Revolution Illustrations of the Royal Small Arms Factory, Enfield in The Illustrated London News (1861) Before the Industrial Revolution, daily life had changed little for hundreds of years. The 19th century saw rapid technological development with a wide range of new inventions. This led Great Britain to become the foremost industrial and trading nation of the time.[69] Historians have characterised the mid-Victorian era (1850–1870) as Britain's 'Golden Years',[70][71] with national income per person increasing by half. This prosperity was driven by increased industrialisation, especially in textiles and machinery, along with exports to the empire and elsewhere.[72] The positive economic conditions, as well as a fashion among employers for providing welfare services to their workers, led to relative social stability.[72][73] The Chartist movement for working-class men to be given the right to vote, which had been prominent in the early Victorian period, dissipated.[72] Government involvement in the economy was limited.[73] Only in the post-World War II period, around a century later, did the country experience substantial economic growth again.[71] But whilst industry was well developed, education and the arts were mediocre.[73] Wage rates continued to improve in the later 19th century: real wages (after taking inflation into account) were 65 per cent higher in 1901 compared to 1871. Much of the money was saved, as the number of depositors in savings banks rose from 430,000 in 1831 to 5.2 million in 1887, and their deposits from £14 million to over £90 million.[74] This illustration of a child drawer (a type of hurrier) pulling a coal tub was originally published in the Children's Employment Commission (Mines) 1842 report. Children had always played a role in economic life but exploitation of their labour became especially intense during the Victorian era. Children were put to work in a wide range of occupations, but particularly associated with this period are factories. Employing children had advantages, as they were cheap, had limited ability to resist harsh working conditions, and could enter spaces too small for adults. Some accounts exist of happy upbringings involving child labour, but conditions were generally poor. Pay was low, punishments severe, work was dangerous and disrupted children's development (often leaving them too tired to play even in their free time). Early labour could do lifelong harm; even in the 1960s and '70s, the elderly people of industrial towns were noted for their often unusually short stature, deformed physiques, and diseases associated with unhealthy working conditions.[75] Reformers wanted the children in school; in 1840 only about 20 per cent of the children in London had any schooling.[76] By the 1850s, around half of the children in England and Wales were in school (not including Sunday school).[77] From the 1833 Factory Act onwards, attempts were made to get child labourers into part time education, though this was often difficult to achieve.[78] Only in the 1870s and 1880s did children begin to be compelled into school.[77] Work continued to inhibit children's schooling into the early 20th century.[75] Housing and public health Further information: Economy, industry, and trade of the Victorian era; Mathematics, science, technology and engineering of the Victorian era; and Demographics of the Victorian era 19th-century Britain saw a huge population increase accompanied by rapid urbanisation stimulated by the Industrial Revolution.[79] In the 1901 census, more than three out of every four people were classified as living in an urban area, compared to one in five a century earlier.[80] Historian Richard A. Soloway wrote that "Great Britain had become the most urbanized country in the West."[81] The rapid growth in the urban population included the new industrial and manufacturing cities, as well as service centres such as Edinburgh and London.[80][82] Private renting from housing landlords was the dominant tenure. P. Kemp says this was usually of advantage to tenants.[83] Overcrowding was a major problem with seven or eight people frequently sleeping in a single room. Until at least the 1880s, sanitation was inadequate in areas such as water supply and disposal of sewage. This all had a negative effect on health, especially that of the impoverished young. For instance, of the babies born in Liverpool in 1851, only 45 per cent survived to age 20.[84] Conditions were particularly bad in London, where the population rose sharply and poorly maintained, overcrowded dwellings became slum housing. Kellow Chesney wrote of the situation:[85] Hideous slums, some of them acres wide, some no more than crannies of obscure misery, make up a substantial part of the metropolis... In big, once handsome houses, thirty or more people of all ages may inhabit a single room Hunger and poor diet was a common aspect of life across the UK in the Victorian period, especially in the 1840s, but the mass starvation seen in the Great Famine in Ireland was unique.[86][84] Levels of poverty fell significantly during the 19th century from as much as two thirds of the population in 1800 to less than a third by 1901. However, 1890s studies suggested that almost 10% of the urban population lived in a state of desperation lacking the food necessary to maintain basic physical functions. Attitudes towards the poor were often unsympathetic and they were frequently blamed for their situation. In that spirit, the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834 had been deliberately designed to punish them and would remain the basis for welfare provision into the 20th century. While many people were prone to vices, not least alcoholism, historian Bernard A. Cook argues that the main reason for 19th century poverty was that typical wages for much of the population were simply too low. Barely enough to provide a subsistence living in good times, let alone save up for bad.[84] Improvements were made over time to housing along with the management of sewage and water eventually giving the UK the most advanced system of public health protection anywhere in the world.[87] The quality and safety of household lighting improved over the period with oil lamps becoming the norm in the early 1860s, gas lighting in the 1890s and electric lights beginning to appear in the homes of the richest by the end of the period.[88] Medicine advanced rapidly during the 19th century and germ theory was developed for the first time. Doctors became more specialised and the number of hospitals grew.[87] The overall number of deaths fell by about 20%. The life expectancy of women increased from around 42 to 55 and 40 to 56 for men.[note 6][81] In spite of this, the mortality rate fell only marginally, from 20.8 per thousand in 1850 to 18.2 by the end of the century. Urbanisation aided the spread of diseases and squalid living conditions in many places exacerbated the problem.[87] The population of England, Scotland and Wales grew rapidly during the 19th century.[89] Various factors are considered contributary to this, including a rising fertility rate (though it was falling by the end of the period),[81] the lack of a catastrophic pandemic or famine in the island of Great Britain during the 19th century for the first time in history,[90] improved nutrition,[90] and a lower overall mortality rate.[90] Ireland's population shrank significantly, mostly due to emigration and the Great Famine.[91] Slum area in Glasgow (1871) Slum area in Glasgow (1871) Buildings originally built as Llanfyllin workhouse, a state-funded home for the destitute which operated from 1838 to 1930.[92][93] Buildings originally built as Llanfyllin workhouse, a state-funded home for the destitute which operated from 1838 to 1930.[92][93] Photograph of a mother and baby by Alfred Capel-Cure (c. 1850s or 60s) Photograph of a mother and baby by Alfred Capel-Cure (c. 1850s or 60s) Knowledge and infrastructure Main article: Mathematics, science, technology and engineering of the Victorian era Michael Faraday delivering a Christmas Lecture at the Royal Institution (c. 1855) The professionalisation of scientific study began in parts of Europe following the French Revolution but was slow to reach Britain. William Whewell coined the term 'scientist' in 1833 to refer to those who studied what was generally then known as natural philosophy, but it took a while to catch on. Having been previously dominated by amateurs with a separate income, the Royal Society admitted only professionals from 1847 onwards.[94] The British biologist Thomas Henry Huxley indicated in 1852 that it remained difficult to earn a living as a scientist alone.[49] Scientific knowledge and debates such as that about Charles Darwin's book on evolution gained a high-profile. Simplified (and at times inaccurate) popular science was increasingly distributed through a variety of publications which caused tension with the professionals.[94] There were significant advances in various fields of research, including statistics,[95] elasticity,[96] refrigeration,[97] natural history,[49] electricity[98] and logic.[99] Crew stood with a railway engine (1873) Known as the 'workshop of the world', Britain was uniquely advanced in technology in the mid-19th century.[100] Engineering, having developed into a profession in the 18th century, gained new profile and prestige in this period.[101] The Victorian era saw methods of communication and transportation develop significantly. In 1837, William Fothergill Cooke and Charles Wheatstone invented the first telegraph system. This system, which used electrical currents to transmit coded messages, quickly spread across Britain, appearing in every town and post office. A worldwide network developed towards the end of the century. In 1876, Alexander Graham Bell patented the telephone. A little over a decade later, 26,000 telephones were in service in Britain. Multiple switchboards were installed in every major town and city.[69] Guglielmo Marconi developed early radio broadcasting at the end of the period.[102] The railways were important economically in the Victorian era, allowing goods, raw materials, and people to be moved around, stimulating trade and industry. They were also a major employer and industry in their own right.[103] Moral standards Further information: Victorian morality and Women in the Victorian era If we lift our skirts they level their eye-glasses at our ankles (1854), cartoon suggesting that men saw women lifting their dresses as a titillating opportunity to see some of their body shape. Expected standards of personal conduct changed in around the first half of the 19th century, with good manners and self-restraint becoming much more common.[104] Historians have suggested various contributing factors, such as Britain's major conflicts with France during the early 19th century, meaning that the distracting temptations of sinful behaviour had to be avoided in order to focus on the war effort, and the evangelical movement's push for moral improvement.[105] There is evidence that the expected standards of moral behaviour were reflected in action as well as rhetoric across all classes of society.[106][107] For instance, an analysis suggested that less than 5% of working class couples cohabited before marriage.[107] Historian Harold Perkin argued that the change in moral standards led by the middle of the 19th century to 'diminished cruelty to animals, criminals, lunatics, and children (in that order)'.[104] Legal restrictions were placed on cruelty to animals.[108][109][110] Restrictions were placed on the working hours of child labourers in the 1830s and 1840s.[111][112] Further interventions took place throughout the century to increase the level of child protection.[113] Use of the death penalty also decreased.[104] Crime rates fell significantly in the second half of the 19th century. Sociologist Christie Davies linked this change to attempts to morally educate the population, especially at Sunday schools.[114] Contrary to popular belief, Victorian society understood that both men and women enjoyed copulation.[115] Chastity was expected of women, whilst attitudes to male sexual behaviour were more relaxed.[116] The development of police forces led to a rise in prosecutions for illegal sodomy in the middle of the 19th century.[117] Male sexuality became a favourite subject of medical researchers' study.[118] For the first time, all male homosexual acts were outlawed.[119] Concern about sexual exploitation of adolescent girls increased during the period, especially following the white slavery scandal, which contributed to the increasing of the age of consent from 13 to 16.[120] At a time when job options for women were limited and generally low-paying, some women, particularly those without familial support, took to prostitution to support themselves. Attitudes in public life and among the general population to prostitution varied. Evidence about prostitutes' situation also varies. One contemporary study argues that the trade was a short-term stepping stone to a different lifestyle for many women, while another, more recent study argues they were subject to physical abuse, financial exploitation, state persecution, and difficult working conditions. Due to worries about venereal disease, especially among soldiers, women suspected of prostitution were for a period between the 1860s and 1880s subject to spot compulsory examinations for sexually transmitted infections, and detainment if they were found to be infected. 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ISBN 9780415669726. Baigrie, Brian (2007). "Chapter 10: Electromagnetic Waves". Electricity and Magnetism: A Historical Perspective. United States of America: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-33358-3. Ranlett, John (2011). "Railways". In Mitchell, Sally (ed.). Victorian Britain An Encyclopedia. Routledge. pp. 663–665. ISBN 9780415669726. Perkin, Harold (1969). The Origins of Modern English Society. Routledge & Kegan Paul. p. 280. ISBN 9780710045676. Briggs, Asa (1959). The Age of Improvement: 1783–1867. Longman. pp. 66–74, 286–87, 436. ISBN 9780582482043. Bradley, Ian C. (2006). The Call to Seriousness: The Evangelical Impact on the Victorians. Lion Hudson Limited. pp. 106–109. ISBN 9780224011624. Probert, Rebecca (September 2012). "Living in Sin". BBC History Magazine. "London Police Act 1839, Great Britain Parliament. Section XXXI, XXXIV, XXXV, XLII". Archived from the original on 24 April 2011. Retrieved 23 January 2011. McMullan, M. B. (1 May 1998). "The Day the Dogs Died in London". The London Journal. 23 (1): 32–40. doi:10.1179/ldn.1998.23.1.32. ISSN 0305-8034. Archived from the original on 4 June 2021. Retrieved 31 March 2023. Rothfels, Nigel, ed. (2002), Representing Animals, Indiana University Press, p. 12, ISBN 978-0-253-34154-9. Chapter: 'A Left-handed Blow: Writing the History of Animals' by Erica Fudge "Cooper, Anthony Ashley, seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (1801–1885)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 2018. doi:10.1093/odnb/9780192683120.013.6210. Kelly, David; et al. (2014). Business Law. Routledge. p. 548. ISBN 9781317935124. Litzenberger, C. J.; Eileen Groth Lyon (2006). The Human Tradition in Modern Britain. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 142–143. ISBN 978-0-7425-3735-4. Davies, Christie (1992). "Moralization and Demoralization: A Moral Explanation for Changes in Crime". In Anderson, Digby (ed.). The Loss of Virtue: Moral Confusion and Social Disorder in Britain and America. Social Affairs Unit. pp. 5, 10. ISBN 978-0907631507. Draznin, Yaffa Claire (2001). Victorian London's Middle-Class Housewife: What She Did All Day (#179). Contributions in Women's Studies. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. pp. 95–96. ISBN 978-0-313-31399-8. Goodman, Ruth (2013). "Chapter 15: Behind the bedroom door". How to be a Victorian. Penguin. ISBN 978-0-241-95834-6. Sean Brady, Masculinity and Male Homosexuality in Britain, 1861–1913 (2005). Crozier, I. (5 August 2007). "Nineteenth-Century British Psychiatric Writing about Homosexuality before Havelock Ellis: The Missing Story". Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 63 (1): 65–102. doi:10.1093/jhmas/jrm046. ISSN 0022-5045. PMID 18184695. Smith, F. B. (1976). "Labouchere's amendment to the Criminal Law Amendment bill". Historical Studies. 17 (67): 165–173. doi:10.1080/10314617608595545. ISSN 0018-2559. Clark, Anna (2011). "Prostitution". In Mitchell, Sally (ed.). Victorian Britain An Encyclopedia. Routledge. pp. 642–645. ISBN 9780415669726. Bibliography Plunkett, John, ed. (2012). Victorian Literature: A Sourcebook. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9780230551756. 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